r r.wr wYn.i... , 0,14r filigau Baity Seventy-Seven Years of Editorial Freedom EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS Alternative to 'U' Negro History Course Where Opinions Are Free, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH. Truth Will Prevail NEWS PHONE: 764-0552 Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 23, 1968 NIGHT EDITOR: WALLACE IMMEN= State Aid to Private Schools Pro... STATE LEGISLATORS must pledge their support for a program of financial aid to non-public schools. Failure to do so can mean only a quickening of the decay that now grips both our public and pri- vate school systems. State aid to non-public education can help avert the pending financial crisis facing many of the private and parochial institutions that educate more than 330,- 000 Michigan school children. The same aid will stem the overcrowding of public schools that results from the inability of private institutions to handle all of the students desiring to attend. There Is no reason why aid to non- public schools would have to be made without additional aid to public schools. Under a plan introduced last Tuesday in the state Legislature, the state would pay $21 million over the next year in grants to parents of non-public school children. These grants-$100 for children enrolled in non-public secondary schools, and $50 for children enrolled in non-pub- lic elementary schools-are certainly far less than the basic sum of $294.56 per child the state now pays in aid to public school systems, at a total cost of more than $400 million. In addition, state revenues from the sales 'tax and the newly adopted state income tax are expected to soar well above previous estimates, leaving a com- fortable surplus from which to draw extra monies for public education if necessary. THOSE WHO OPPOSE such aid claim to do so because they must protect the "rights of the taxpayer" by maintaining "the wall of separation" between church and state. Their arguments suffer from too narrow a perspective, however, for while "protecting' some, they are deny- ing the rights of others to an equal extent. The state government certainly has the authority and in fact the obligation to maintain certain standards of com- pulsory education for its youth. But it is not the right of the state to require that these standards be met in public schools. Freedom of choice of education is essen- tial to maintain any sort of intellectual diversity within our society. Many citizens of the state pay taxes earmarked for education of their youth and send their children to schools meet- ing the state's academic standards. But when they seek to add, of their own free will, religious education to the formal education of their children, they are dis- criminated against by the state and cut off from the list of those eligible to receive aid. THE STATE AND the federal constitu- tions are both explicit in stating that the religious beliefs of an individual shall not be grounds for denial of civil and political privileges offered to any other citizen. Support for public aid to private edu- cation can help to make it possible to allieviate the burden on overcrowded public schools, improve the quality of non-public education, and encourage freedom of choice in education by giving more people an alternative to public school. The people of this state must realize that just as compulsory religious educa- tion is patently unconstitutional, so is systematic discouragement of freely chosen religious education through lack of equal financial consideration by public agencies. --JIM NEUBACHER Con... THE BILL NOW before the Legislature to provide parents of private school children with tuition grants would be a disasterous blow to the quality of public education -in Michigan if passed into law. The traditional arguments against state aid to non-public schools have cen- tered around the consequences for the type of education received by the private school pupil. One of these arguments cites the blur- ring, if not actual erasure of the consti- tutional line separating church from state. The precedent would be established for further state assistance without pro- viding for reciprocating controls over curricula and teaching standards. The sponsors of the current bill, how- ever, seek to blunt the force of the tra- ditional opposition by stressing the grants would provide only for teaching of secular subjects such as English and mathematics and that no state aid would go to parents for any course in religion. In addition, the grants would be avail- able to independent private schools as well as church-supported elementary and secondary schools. Two other arguments often marshalled in favor of state aid are taxation inequi- ties and freedom of religious choice. Neither of these arguments as presently conceived by proponents of state aid hold much water. Individuals are taxed for public works and services which are available to them whether or not they choose to use the works or services. The fact that the pro- posed subsidy is only one-third of current state per-pupil subsidy in public schools should not obscure the fact that a public school education is available to all. Sim- ilarly, the fact that religious education is not provided in public schools (a con- stitutional constraint) does not imply a restriction on individual religious choice (a constitutional right). Individuals are free to send their children to public schools and to extra-curricular religious classes. THE TRADITIONAL church-state argu- ments, however, are not as powerful as considerations of the practical effects on public education if the state-aid be- comes law. Currently, enrollment in private schools across the state averages about one- seventh of the elementary and secondary school population. In larger urban areas, however, the proportion of private to non-private school children is much high- er. In Bay City and Grand Rapids, one in every three children attend private schools; in Detroit, one in every five. In precisely these larger urban areas the impact of the state aid to parents of private school children would be most disasterous on the quality of education received in public schools. For sometime a population shift has been going on in cities where prosperous, white middle- class families have been moving out and lower status, non-white families have been immigrating into decaying inner- city slums. THE CONSEQUENCES for public educa- tion in the cities have been abysmal. Educational quality has deteriorated as the better teachers apply for plush sub- urban posts. De facto segregation has set in. The state aid bill will hasten the pro- cess of tempting remaining white families to pull their children out of public schools and place them in newly-created private schools. The deterioration of inner city educa- tion quality is not a phenomenon unique to this state. But rescuing the public schools from their plight will not be made any easier by passage of the state aid to private schools bill. -DAVID KNOKE EDITOR'S NOTE: The following article, written and researched by Richard H. Ross, Grad, chairman of the Committee for a course on the "History of the Negro Amer- ican,"; was submitted by members of four University Negro fraterni- ties. R. W. B. WILLCOX, chairman of the history department, made several false statements and omissions in his articles about the initiation of a course on the "History of the Negro American" (Daily, Jan. 17). He still man- ages to omit several important facts in the article titled "Freeh- ling to teach Negro history class" (Feb. 16). We became interested in the fall of 1966 in advancing the edu- cational objectives of the history department by incorporating a course on the "History of the Ne- gro American" into the curricu- lum. We feel that a truer under- standing of the history of the Ne- gro American would bring about a better understanding by the, white man of the Negro and a better understanding by the Ne- gro of himself. We now, seemingly, have achieved a degree of success. However, the history department's proposal to offer a course in "Ne- gro History" announced Feb. 16, 1968 does not seem designed to meet our criteria. WE BELIEVE that the course should be called the "History of the Negro American" and taught as a separate course in the his- tory department. It should be titled this because of the confu- sion caused by the multiplicity of titles. The course has been called "History of the South, Black His- tory, Afro-American History and Plantation American History." Prof. John Hope Franklin, the "most noted scholar" on the His- tory of the Negro American today, has selected to call it the "History of the Negro American" which conceivably covers over 400 years of history. We would like for this title to be used not only for the petition, but for further documen- tation of the course in the curric- ulum, thereby, giving honor to the "most noted scholar" in this area. We believe that the new course should be offered August, 1968, at the very latest. There is no obvious reason for delaying it until the winter of 1969. Mr. Willcox stated that "to wait for the long run requires patience which these days are in short supply." This obviously is not true. MARVIN NIEHUSS, executive vice president of the University, spoke at the Alpha Phi Alpha Graduate Chapter's meeting Dec. 10, 1966, where he discussed and answered questions concerning the issue of the "Rich, White Uni- versity" (the 16-point Green Re- port). The question was raised about the possibility of incorpor- ating a course on the "History of the Negro American" into the his- tory department curriculum in or- der to promote better understand- ing between the races. He felt that it was a good time to offer this course to, the student body. Mr. Willcox was first inter- viewed on Dec. 14, 1966 about the addition of this course to the cur- riculum. He indicated that the University hired practically all of its professors from universities like Harvard and Yale. He - fur- ther indicated that there was no- one interested in teaching such a course. I obtained from Prof. Terry M. Banks, of the zoology department of Howard University, a list of names which were recommended to him by Howard University his- tory department. Prof. John Hope Franklin was recommended as the "most noted scholar' on the "His- tory of the Negro American." I interviewed Prof. Franklin in mid-January, 1.067, who recom- mended a 1st ot 14 well qusJified men who are interested in teach- ing a course on the "History of the Negro Ameican". This list of names was submitted to Mr. Will- cox on Februaty 1, 1967 ai'er in- terviewing Proi Bradfor i Ferkins, of the University on January 31, 1967 as recommended by Prof. Franklin. Mr. Willcox stated in his ar- ticle Jan. 17; 1968 that, "the graduate education of Negroes is so poor at least in history that well qualified PhD's are vir,,ually unobtainable - a fact that is a disgrace to our educational sys- tem but still a fact." MR. WILLCOX has avoided hiing a qualified Negro by sud- denly discovering that, Mr. Wil- liam Freehling who has been in the history department for three years is an authority in Negro History. It appears then that Prof. Willcox intentionally sent us on what he thought would be a "wild goose chase". He has further tried to worm his way out of teaching a real course on the "History of the Negro American" by institut- ing a course with the major em- phasis on slavery which seem- ingly supports his thesis of sep- arateness and assimilation (Daily, Jan. 17). Let us take a look at the list of names that Mr. Willcox has called "unqualified" and "a disgrace" to the educational system. John Hope Franklin, chairman of the history department at University of Chi- cago; Joseph Harris, University of North Carolina; Benjamin Quarles, Morgan State Univer- sity; St. Clair Drake, Roosevelt University at Chicago; Otey Scruggs, University of California, Santa Barbara; Edwin A. Toppin, Virginia State; Nathan Huggins, history department ,Massachusetts U ni1ve rs it y: George Woolfol, Prairie View College, Texas: Au- gust Meier, Roosevelt University. It might be further pointed out that Professors Franklin,. Harris, Quarles, and Drake are listed in Who's Who in America, 1966 and 1967 edition. Mr. Willcox must know, if he uses "Who's Who in America" that Franklin and Har- ris have more accomplishments than could be included in the original 1966/67 edition. Mr. Willcox is apparently not well versed in his field. He has been in the history department - off and on - for 27 years and chairman of the department since 1965. He has had more than a year and the resources to check out- and write the list of people submitted to him, Feb. 1, 1967.. MR. WILLCOX must be famil- iar with the American Council on Education's 1964 Report. He must .know that the University history department is listed tenth in the "leading departments rated by quality of graduate faculty" on the ACE report, but drops to 11th in the "rated effectiveness of the graduate program". He must also know that the University of Chi- cago is listed as 7th in "leading department rated by quality of graduate faculty" and rated 8th by "leading department in effec- tiveness of graduate program." The important point is that Prof. Franklin is the eminent chairman of the department at the University of Chicago. Mr; Willcox has also argued that his department gets their faculty from universities like Har- vard and Yale. This obviously is not true. He must know all of his professors in the University his- tory department do not come from universities like Harvard and Yale. He must know that Prof. Sidney Fine got his PhD from the University, and one professor list- ed as a fulprofessor in the cata- log does not have a PhD accord- ing to the 1966/67 edition of "Who's Who in America." AT THIS POINT we must raise the question more strongly whe- ther Mr. Willcox has committed the greatest "academic sin," by getting caught manipulating and omitting facts by slandering qua- lified Negro scholars who are in- terested in teaching courses on the "History of the Negro Amer- ican." Is this a man of goodwill? Is he competent and biase:, or is he simply incompetent? Whether or not Mr. Willcox's statements and apparent position resulted from the lack of knowl- edge or bias must be judged by those who know him best. Mr. Willcox might still argue that these older scholars fire too costly to appoint to the Univer- sity faculty. Therefore, we have obtained a list of five younger scholars who have completed their education within the lastfew years and who have two or three publications 'to their credit. These people are John Blassin- game, PhD, Yale University; Mary Berry, PhD from the Uni- versity, now studying in the Law School; Leticia Brown, PhD, Rad- cliffe at Howard University; Vin- cent Harding, PhD, University of Chicago, at Spelman College; and Loren Rout, PhD, University of Minnesota at Michigan State. ACCORDING to Prof. Franklin, these two lists of names do not exhaust the number of people who are interested in teaching a course in the "History of the Negro American." (Feb. 20). A petition will be circulated for approximately two weeks begin- ning -February 23, 1968. We are asking those students who are in- terested in taking this course or supporting our position to sign the petition: -~ * ,- ~ ~r N. '1.---"-----0- ". ~-~ .~- : U S g tffK'1 (' 4 A Petition:'History of American Negro' ". . .No, I don't feel any draft . . !" New Politics: Checkered Future By DAN SHARE MICHIGAN New Politics Party's attempt to make an effective coalition of white radicals and the black community seems in danger of foundering. The events of last Saturday's state convention show clearly that, while the white radicals are ready and willing, New Politics has yet to bring any effective represent- atives of the black community into the fold. Without comprehending that New Politics is undertaking noth- ing short of a radical reorganiza- tion of the American political sys- tem, it is impossible to appreciate the full significance of the con- vention. New Politics decries the racism and imperialism evident in our domestic and foreign policy and asserts that the record of the two- party system shows clearly it is in- capable of remedying the problems that beset our society. The convention not only pledged itself to the destruction of the Democratic party (the worst of the parties holding out patently false hopes to the nation's poor), but also condemned men like Mc- Carthy and Kennedy for being coopted by the Democratic party and allowing their principles to be prostituted. THE PARTY platform is aimed not only at eliminating these ills but also to draw the labor move- ment into the New Politics Pale. The platform calls for the elim- ination of taxes which place finan- cial burden on the poor; supports labor in its efforts to organize; stands firmly against anti-riot legislation; supports the right of the black community to self-de- termination; demands the with- drawal of the U.S. from Vietnam; demands an end to U.S. financial influence and support of reaction- ary countries; and supports draft resistors. ire of the more traditionalist- minded laborites, including all the Negroes at the convention. They strongly objected on the grounds that the report would anger the union rank and file causing New Politics to be completely alienated from the labor movement. THE ARGUMENTS s e e m e d motivated not from a desire to in- sure New Politics' appeal to the movement, but out of a fear of at- tacking a powerful figure like Reuther. One of the report's sup- porters said, "We're not telling the rank and file who to support, and we aren't going in to the unions to campaign, we are just saying that we support their efforts to secure leaders who are really re- sponsive to their needs." The labor fight indicated a split that the perspective committee's report proved to be much more fundamental than it first appear- ed. The dispute revolved around the same issue that plagued the Chicago New Politics Conference last fall-equal representation of the black community. This time however, the problem wasn't over voting rights, but whether New Politics would support every can- didate put up in the black com- munity. An addenda proposed by Eric Chiester, Grad, stated that New Politics would support Democratic candiates only as a tactical meas- ure, and only if they were genuine- ly nominated by grass roots organ- izations. Any other candidates would be unacceptable for the group's support. The resolution was clearly an attempt by the white radicals to withhold support for such Negro Congressmen as Charles Diggs and John Conyers, who aspires to be the first Negro mayor of Detroit, and, many of the radicals feels, has sold out to the establishment. THE NEGROES objected to the As Lucy Karabenick, wife of the Ann Arbor New Politics chairman, put it: "I object to this kind of reverse racism.' By adopting the addenda, the convention took an important step toward achieving an effective rad- ical organization, but at the same time the fight over it revealed the group's greatest weakness. EVERYONE recognizes that if New Politics is to be successful it must gain broad support from the Negro community. The well springs of American radicalism cannotbe effectively tapped without the black community; and a party consisting entirely of white rad- icals is unthinkable, not to men- tion highly ineffectual. The convention proved quite clearly that the Negroes now in- volved in New Politics are not representative of the radical black community. Claims were circulating at the convention that the Negroes there used to be involved in the Com- munist Party. This is noteworthy only in showing that the Negroes who claim to be leaders of the community are actually out of touch with what is happening in the ghetto. And their policies evidenced in their fear to strike out at the labor unions) are rem- iniscent of another day. Moreover not one of the 10 Negroes lresent was under 35. Though much of the radicalism of the black community resides in its youth, none were represented at the convention. The fact that the faction has no support in the Negro com- munity is also shown by their in- ability to pack the open conven- tion in Detroit with supporters and insure the passage of their politics. NEW POLITICS must solve this problem soon. If they don't come WE THE UNDERSIGNED stu- dents, of the University of Michigan respectfully request that the University of Michigan his- tory department alter its decision to offer a course on the "History of the Negro American" an-' nounced on Feb. 16, 1968, in the following manner: -1. We believe that the course should be called the "History of the Negro American" and offered as a separate course, because it has been effaced from the history textbook in the. United States of America, therefore, we ask that the University of Michigan de- partment of history concede the "History of the Negro American" and teach the course for several decades until the "History of the Negro American" is totally inte- grated into American history text- books. -2. We believe that the course should be offered beginning Aug- ust, 1968, at the very latest. There is no reason to delay it until the winter of 1969, by January, 1969, the history department will al- ready have had over two years to prepare for the course. -3. We believe that the course should be a three or four hour non pre-requisite course opened to graduate and undergraduate students for credit toward a de- gree. -4. We urge that the history department take the opportunity to add a qualified historian to the f aculty who has specialized in the "History of the Negro Ametican " -5. We urge that the history department take this opportunity to comply with the Greene report and appoint a qualified Negro professor from the list of 14 (9 Negroes and 5 ivhites) names sub- mitted to Dr.-W. B. Willcox by Richard H. Ross February 1, 196". -6. We believe that the Uni- versity could procure the services of one of the young scholars (PhD's) from a list attached here- to, if the University is unable to recruit someone from the list pre- viously submitted to the history department Feb. 1, 1967. -7. We believe that ih an ef- fort to recruit a Negro professor, we expect the University to. offer a salaryand statusvcommensurate with what other professors are re- ceiving in the history department. -8: We believe that the history department should admit that there are well trained Negro his- torians available, and disavow the disparaging remarks made by Prof. W., B. Willcox about Negro historians in the Jan. 17, 1968 edition of The Daily. The original list given to Prof. Willcox (Feb. 1, 1967) is as fol- lows: Negro historians: Profes- sors Franklin, Harris (Poll. Sci.), Quarles, Drake, Scruggs, Toppin, Huggins, Woolfolk, and Meier. White historians: Professors Ken- neth Stampp, Berkeley; Leslie Fischel, Wisconsin; Dwight Du- mond, Howard (formerly Michi- gan); Louis Harlem, Maryland; and Gilbert Osofsky, Howard. A list of recent young scholars in history: Blassingame, Rout, Hard- ing, Miss Berry and Miss Brown. A 4 Letters to the Editor Athletic Dept. Ignores Students To the Editor: O YOU KNOW a guy in high school who wants to come to the University? Let me tell him what he can expect from the athletic department. If he is destined to become a varsity athlete, he can expect to be, well-cared for. If he is just a guy who likes to play sports, he can expect . . .to be ignored. He will have accesi to the identical IM building that was the pride of the Big 'len (4t years ago)-where the roof leaks so badly that the pool ceiling fell in this yeas, and the basketball court is closed on rainy days ("Closed: Too Much Water"); where you acquire a season locker within the first two, days of school, or you don't get one Fall and winter subscription rate: $4.50 per term by carrier ($5 by mail): $8.00 for regular academic school year ($9 by mail). ThegDaily is a memner of the Associated Press and Collegla-e Press Service. Daily except Monday during regular academic school year. Daily except Sunday and Monday during regular Klmo At. afnn ANDY SACKS . . . . .Photo Editor ROBERT SHEFFIELD ............... Lab Chief NIGHT EDITORS: w. Rexford Benoit, Neal Bruss, Wallace Immen, Lucy Kennedy, David Knoke, Mark Levin, Patricia O'Donohue, Daniel Okrent, Steve Wildstrom. DAY EDITORS: Marcy Abramson, Rob Beattie, Jill Crabtree, Aviva Kempner, Carolyn Miegel, Walter Shapiro, Lee Weltzenkorn. Sports Staff CLARN ORTwN . Shorts Editor 4