4r At l3 guD Seventy-Seven Years of Editorial Freedom EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS ROGER RAPOPORT: When Secrets Get More Secretive ... Where Opinions Are Free, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH. Truth Will Prevail NEWS PHONE: 764-0552 :ate .::"r.".""" .:sv v; '... r:: ". ,vr: :vrr::^.^.:".^n:v: u: :: .""rv. ; "..".:-v:: r: r;:,v ::v::.e:vv ". " ."rr,".:anw" {:" xvty.-. r:,:".":.v+."r,".v.v:.:v.+r::: "rn^.:: : aarr:::. :, " ""."",."" .": v::.w,.vr.".^r.=:.^.:w:r. .v .V,[.V :.,. ... {{. J,' .vr Y. r. r.. ..1.... ....., {1 :r'L. ^.;.h.: +}{t ". .......t ...: :'..: ":.:V.. S.:. rr. 1 .......:.v:t ..... ............ .vvVr .1 1 ^ . r.. .. . . t.. .. ....... r:,{ :t:.1";t.:. ... ..:.. r. .. vs ... ..... .., .. .V: t:: ": .Y.{:r...r.}.1}..r.....r.....:.. r....... N.:...v.r...... ,..,..r....,.h,.......,:4r.{...,...V...",+.ti. r..:l..,.{.,.'1:.41.1{:vY:::;:.".'",".'.:.": .":::: :', :1":::::::::.:^:.::: ;;:::"::: ".::::::":N :'::":,...:..:v::.'::.:".^::,::'.:'.:^.:'v'.".^;:vN.":":L.:.vV::ti.::::::":{ti :"::"::ti":^; .:^:, :: : ::{:tip ;::::: ? ;.::;::: ti;: ti'i; x ;:ti " 11;:::ti';":a::,^" ti;k 1,: ^:t *Xa.K.,: Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. FRDAY, FEBRUARY 16, 1968 NIGHT EDITOR: WALLACE IMMEN S)trikng Down U of D Student Movement OR A WHILE, at least, it seemed as if the University of Detroit was finally coming of age. The school had progressed from the jocular rowdyism of three years ago when the administration abolished football and some of the disenfranchised athletes tried to block the John Lodge Freeway to "protest" the sport's demise. This week a genuine protest to emphasize the need for some basic changes in the .way the Jesuits have been running the institution appeared to be gaining en- thusiastic supprt. Khe Sank Atomic Blues THIS WEEK'S award for thinking about the unthinkable must go to General Earle G. Wheeler, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Asked whether we would use nuclear weapons at Khe Sanh, he forthrightly replied, "I refuse to specu- late any further." . If the innuendos implicit in Wednes- day's New York Times are, to be believed -and let's face it, what choice do we have-then Wheeler is about the only one in official Washington who isn't conjec- turing about the use of nuclear weapons at Khe Sanh - especially if this long awaited battle takes on the dimensions of another Dienbienphu. Throughout all this furor it must be remembered that nuclear weapons are just not that important militarily. When reduced to stark simplicity, tactical nu- clear weapons' major distinguishing mil- itary quality is that they provide bigger bangs when they go off. And if bigger bangs were the answer to the Vietnam embroglio, then good old American air power would have shackled Ho Chi Minh to that oft-mentioned conference table loi ago. Looking for the ulterior, motives which surround almost all discussions of Ad- ministration policy in Vietnam, one is seized by the notion that the whole thing has nothing to do with military matters at all, but is to be understood on the eso- teric realm of the psychological and the political. It's really quite simple. If we discuss the possibility of usingnuclear weapons at Khe Sanh and then prudently decide not to use them, James Reston praises Johnson for his "moderation." And as we all know, it's the President's moderate image which is the key to his political success. OF COURSE. if the Commander in Chief in his infinite wisdom decides that we reluctantly must use tactical nuclear weapons against our armed-to-the-teeth adversaries, then we have another world crisis, on our hands and all good Ameri- cans. must rally around their leaders in this time of troubles. The important thing to realize is how easy it is to take for granted that there is nothing wrong with using nuclear weapons against Asians. Already, the New York Times is doing this by headlining their story "Wheeler Doubts Khe Sanh Will Need Atom Weapons.' Of course if it should become neces- sary. ... -WALTER SHAPIRO Things reached a head when the lead- ers of Student Government, the elected representatives of the student body, sub- mitted a list of 23 demands to Rev. Mal- colm Carron, the school's president, ear- lier in the week. Students were concerned about the quality of education they were getting, especially in light of the recent tuition increase of 30 per cent. 11 "We Want Our Money's Worth," read the placards at rallies both Tuesday 'and Wednesday, where 300-odd students felt strongly enough about their cause to brave subzero weather and stage a show of support for their Student Government leaders who were voicing their demands to Carron. They were also concerned about the lack of security on campus at night, the lack of Negro faculty members, and the general absence of students from par- ticipation in decision-making. CARRON'S FIRST answer was to invite the student leaders in and have a little talk. They emerged three hours later saying that their major demands had not been satisfied, and that to show how ser- ious they were they were calling for a student boycott of classes to be held today. Surprisingly, leading faculty members came Out in support of the proposed strike, including the dean of the engi- neering school, the head of the English departmert, the dean of the architecture school, and the Jesuit head of the radio- television school. Enthusiasm mounted rapidly, and one faculty source estimated that 80 per cent of the student body might participate in the strike. But Carron displayed the administra- tive skills for which he was appointed president a year ago. He called a meeting yesterday morning with Student Govern- ment leaders, just prior to a teacl-in preliminary to the actual boycott. He persuaded the student government lead- ers to agree to an ad hoc student-faculty- administration committee to "talk things over." He made it very clear in a public statement that "I have acceded to none of their demands." But, evidently, the leaders didnt take him seriously. They went tosthe teach-in, announced the strike was off and that Carron had made a significant concession. The term- ination of the strike was greeted by an outburst of dismay from the students. In an attempt to quiet the outcries, the student body president resigned. THE STUDENT government's actions have brought total stalemate to the student power movement at the Univer- sity of Detroit. The students cannot see the relevance of the student government leaders on the Carron ad hoc committe. Since the leaders of the strike movement were so easily co-opted by the administra- tion, they cannot be trusted to put up a stiff fight on the committee for settling student grievances. Hopefully, the rest of the student gov- ernment will follow the student presi- dent's lead, and let people who will repre- sent their constituents take over. It indicates something when students can find more sympathy with their cause in the dean of the engineering school than in its own elected leaders. -KEN KELLEY MONDAY the Faculty Assembly meets to begin debate on the stagnant report of the Faculty Research Policies committee on classified research. There is no doubt that the faculty committee has produced the report largely as a public relations service to the University administration. It was not produced to help solve the moral ques- tions raised by doing $10.3 million in secret research here. Rather it was done to cleanse the image of the Uni- versity, which had been tarnished by ne'ws reports of counter-insurgency work in Thailand, surreptitious mon- itoring, and design work for ICBM's. The report was set for press release at 10 atm. on Jan. 18. The University news service dutifully wired a long release on the report to the wire services and papers like the New York Times and the Washington Post at 9 a.m. in the morning. The Ann Arbor News was also supplied with the story. The Ann Arbor News, of course, chose to print the' news release, as it almost always does. But, of course, the Times didn't touch the story and the Post gave it scant coverage. The Daily first found out about the story when it chattered over the AP wires at 11 a.m. about an hour after the release time. University News Service was contacted but explained that it didn't have any news for the paper. Finally about 11:45 a.m., an assistant from Vice-President Norman's office produced, a copy of the report, and news service gave its report out shortly thereafter. WHY DID the campus paper have to wait until nearly two hours after release time to get a story that had been supplied an hour early to papers that didn't even want it? "The members of our committee don't like the way The Daily handled this whole classified research busi- ness," explains Prof. Robert C, Elderfield of the chem- istry department, chairman of the research committee. "We instructed news service to do it this way." But let there be no hard feelings. Although it is virtually certain that the Faculty Assembly will swallow the report - which takes 5,000 words to recommend four new policies and one new committee to enshrine. all but $261,192 of the University's secret research- it is always good to see faculty groups help the admin- istration keep the University the way it is. Indeed the Faculty Assembly will undoubtedly ratify the report and then the Regents will ultimately turn it into meaningless new by-laws. SO, SINCE the "investigation" is over, why not relax and laugh at one intriguing story of classified research that never made it into the verbose Elderfield report. Back in 1963 Malcom Monroe, a young researcher in Willow Run's Infrared Physics laboratory was working on "Project Defender," a major anti-missile project sponsored by the Defense Department's Advanced Re- search Project Agency (ARPA)L Much has been made of the positive contributions of classified research which eventually becomes declas- sified. But as Mr. Monroe found out, sometimes it works the other way. Classified work gets even more classified. And sometimes this can mean you are prevented from reading what you have written. Mr. Monroe was working on detection of missile re- entry into the atmosphere. "By analyzing optical data obtained from a missile re-entering the atmosphere we attempted to understand the physics of light generated during reentry." But there were problems, each time a missile was fired the group had to go back to doing elaborate library research to find out what were the special characteristics of the reentry vehicle." So in late 1963 Monroe went to work on a handbook called a "compilation of nose cone characteristics." The document, which eventually ran to 500 pages, was de- signed to serve as a reference work for the group. The book would eliminate the need for researching each mis- sile's characteristics on reentry. By simply consulting Monroe's new book a scientist would be able to find out the important characteristics of each missile that in- fluence the radiation given off. The ARPA officials were enthusiastic about the pro- posal and told Monroe they wanted to publish the fin- ished product so that scientists elsewhere could take advantage of it. BUT THERE WAS a serious security problem. There are three levels of research classification: classified, secret, and top-secret. Relatively few researchers at Wil- low Run need the "top-secret" clearance and as a re- sult are simply classified at the "secret" level. Monroe had a "secret" clearance and had been writ- ing the document with "secret" papers. But the ARPA officials indicated that the finished product would prob- ably be classified "top-secret" (since it became an ex- tremely valuable final product). Thus Monroe was ser- iously in danger of writing a "top-secret" document that "secret" researchers like himself couldn't read. "ARPA told me to go to work on getting my top- secret clearance," he explains. The situation was touch and go since the clearance process takes time. After a year's work Monroe finished the handbook, turned it in and still hadn't gotten his clearance. Was his own work to be kept from him? "I was pretty concerned" he confesses. Ultimately he did manage to get his "top-secret" clearance by the time the book was published. "But it sure was kind of a silly business," says Monroe who has since left the University and now works for RCA in Florida. "I guess they have some rules and you have to play by them." Biafra Resists Nigerian Liberation' By AZINNA NWAFOR' Last of a Two-Part Series The author is a graduate student in the University's political sci- ence department from Ndikelion- wu, Biafra. He has been in the United States since 1961. ONE VERY crucial effect of the change in government was the transfer of political power at the center into the hands of the Ibos. The Ibos are highly advanced enter- prising peoples. They had em- braced Western education with much greater avidity than any other people in Nigeria and con- sequently were predominant in the life of the country-intellectual, cultural, commercial and indus- trial. They also excited, in the pro- cess, the jealousy of their neigh- bors and the suspicion of local Europeans who saw in the "ed- ucated African, the curse of West Africa." Their neighbors' belief that they were domineering and bent on dominating others was abetted by Great Britain-the ruling colonial power-and the more insistent were the demands of the "educated Ibos" for the political independ- ence of Nigeria, the greater was the scare of Ibo domination in a free Nigeria conjured up. When, finally, these were un- availing and Britain had to leave the country, a very ingenious con- stitution was drawn up which was to assure that political power at the centre would never be exer- cised by them. But the Ibos-who had literally created independent Nigeria and were the most ardent nationalists in the country-wanted independ- ence from colonial rule at any price, and the price exacted by Britain was draconian indeed. HOWEVER, IN Jan., 1966, ut- terly fortuitously, the-elaborately constituted edifice left by Britain came tumbling down with military precision. The new rulers were bent on creating a unified and dynamic Nigerian entity that can also play a meaningful role on the world scene. In their determination to create this entity they underrated the resource of the opposition which saw in every act of more effec- tive national unification policy a conscious Ibo design for domina- tion. In May, 1966, sporadic killings of Ibos living outside their home- land was initiated. Soon after, the "Ibo Administration" was over- thrown and a deliberate policy of massacre of Ibos in Nigseria was undertaken to rid Nigeria of the Ibo problem. 30,000 Ibo and other minority peoples of Eastern Ni- geria who were living in Northern Nigeria were massacred. Those who were lucky enough to escape the problem returned to what was then Eastern Nigeria with the clothes they had on them -if any-as their only possessions. The refugee problem was reaching astronomical proportions.' Efforts by the East regional gov- ernment to involve the whole country in meeting this drastic situation were unavailing - the agreements reached under the mediation of the Ghana govern- ment were not respected by Ni- geria. IT WAS becoming very clear that Nigeria was bent on ridding itself of the Ibos-they sought a Final Solution. Perhaps people never learn from history. Historical experience shows that all efforts at Final Solutions have met with unmitigated failure: the Turks failed to eliminate the Ar- menians and Nazi Germany's con- spicuous failure to rid Europe of Jews is too obvious to need stress- ing. The Ibos and other minority groups of "Eastern Nigeria" want- ed to survive. Nigeria had shown that it did not want them. It was a difficult judgment to accept, yet one that must be faced if the more gruesome alternative of extermina- tion is to be avoided, And so Biafra is, and Biafra lives on. Though no one cared for the lives of the Biafrans, they all de- sired the many mineral resources, particularly oil, that Biafra is rich- ly endowed with. SINCE LAST July, Nigeria has been waging war on Biafra. It is aided by Britain which has been providing the arms to ensure that British oil interests and British colonial heritage is preserved. Nigeria is also aided massively by the Soviet Union which has been supplying the MIG planes and other ammunitions for bomb- ing targets in Biafra. The Soviet Union also covets the wealth of Biafra as well as a fertile foothold in the heart of West Africa. To this end its support of Nigeria has been most impressive. The United States maintains a policy of neutrality and refuses to sell arms to Nigeria. It continues to regard the Nigerian Federal Government as the only legitimate government, and views the whole war as an entirely domestic mat- ter. In spite of a massive Soviet and British involvement on the Nigerian side, the United States continues to pursue the same pol- icy-much to the dislike of the Biafran leadership, which has sought U.S. assistance. Perhaps it is just as well that the U.S. is neutral, since for the Biafrans this is their struggle which must be won as they have been fighting it-by themselves. DESPITE overwhelming odds and the disadvantage of a near complete blockade on her, Biafra has performed very well, at times brilliantly. For this, unmistaken- bly, is a people's war, and one be- sides that they cannot lose. Their very survival is at stake. It is misguided and false to label it "Ojukwu's war" (Colonel Ojukwu isthe)Oxford-educated leader of Biafra). The Nigerian Federal Government has some- times said that it is fighting to liberate the minority peoples of Biafra from the clutches of Ibo domination. In fact, as Lloyd Garrison show- ed in the Feb. 3 issue of the New York Times, in the "liberated" minority areas of Biafra, the peo- ple have often been hostile to their "liberators" and have over- whelmingly demonstrated their support for Biafra." For the massacres in Northern Nigeria were extended to all East -Nigerians indiscriminately and no one is now doubtful as to what "liberation" implies. The atrocities perpetrated by federal forces in Asaba and Calabar (two Biafran cities) in the wake of their "liber- ation" have taken care of that. Moreover, the minority problem in Biafra is not comparable with the Nigerian situation. The minor- ity people of Biafra are as highly educated as the Ibos and as com- petitive. There is no gap in Biafra similar to the Ibo-Hausa gap in what used to be Nigeria. Yet Nigeria fights on under the banner of its false myths as to the war it is waging. At the onset of war they planned and executed a "quick surgical operation" that would smash Biafra in "48 hours." BIAFRA HAS refused to accept extermination as a desirable goal to be pursued by any government and certainly does not, intend to sit supinely and watch her people wiped out for the benefit of an artificial Nigerian unity held to- gether only by the war on Biafra. In so doing, Biafra needs the support and encouragement of those who value that concern for a "central humanity that is the best of Western civilization and all those who generaly desire the emergence of an African intelli- gence. For Biafra is uniquely placed to enrich the African herit- age given its human potential, its natural resources and its deep concern for the fifture of Africa. Indeed Biafra is tearing Nigeria apart, albeit forced to do so, with the certain knowledge that at the end of the destruction of the ob- solete feudal establishment is an affirmation of life. 't I ;V A T-LA R GE Rez's Rare Book 1y NEIL SHISTER Broadening the Bases of Dissent IT IS APPARENT that the war in Viet- nam is compelling formerly reticent groups to voice their opposition. Yesterday 4,000 law school faculty and students from across the nation released petitions calling for a de-escalation in the war. Their concerted action follows previous similar condemnations of Ad- ministration policy by student body presidents, medical and theological stu- dents. Evidently, an increasing number of the nation's future leaders and professionals has become alienated with the foreign_ policy created by the country's current leaders. The real significance, however, in yesterday's action is that the normally conservative law students spoke out at all. As a professional group, lawyers are likely to be more critical of any state- man+. +han wnid sin +han manv nther changes that characterize other anti-war petitions is that a more extreme state- ment would not attract the wide profes- sional support which was achieved. THE IMPORTANT fact is that the law students have finally voiced their op- position to the war. The objective cir- cumstances of the war itself have grown to such proportions that previously mod- erate groups are being forced to take a stand one way or another. As opposition to the war involves a broader spectrum of social groups, the radicalism that now tinges the anti-war movement and re- pulses many people will become accept- able to more people. The Administration will have to wake up and realize that it is not only a few extremists who dislike what is going on REZ IS SOON to set off on a cross-country hitch, leaving next week for California to spend his three- day spring vacation on the coast where he has never been before. Rez will likely come back in order to graduate this April, four years passed here trophied at the end with a diploma, but after that I suppose he is in the vanguard of one segment of our generation, mustachioed and long- haired and rolling-with-the-punches. In other words, without making a show of it, Rez is moving Into modernity. In appreciation of electric music, fine jazz and television he strikes me as a forerunner, a prototype for the gearing of a new American model. Rez is not a rebel, his politics are clean but mostly passive though he marched in Washington last fall. If he is con- sciously dissenting, it is from a way of life that quite simply he doesn't enjoy. But rebellion is not an important part of his style, and the women and men who look at him and sneer about the protests of the younger genera- tnon badly misread him. BUT THIS DESCRIPTION is simply to set the stage: Rez got a birthday present from his sister Rachel a few days ago that is worth remembering. Rez and Rachel come from The Island and when they're home they work in The City, so you have to think Lord and Taylor, Sak's- type cools. Always before Rachel had given Rez clothes for his birthday, so this year she tells him she is going to break out of the sweater syndrome and surprise him. Rez's birthday comes and goes one day in early Febru- ary, and a few days later a big package comes in the mail: Rachel's present. Rez returns home to find it wait- ing, and those of us around gather to find out what it is. It is very heavy in its box, and we start guessing what A scrap of paper was found upon which was scribbled 'Friday' aind in another page was a program from the 'Soiree' held by New Windsor College, June 6, 1882 and featuring a Cantata, 'Quarrel Among the Flowers.' At the top of this program, written in an ornate hand, was 'Put this in Moore June 11th, 1882 at 4:26 P.M.' The feeling was powerful, striking, to think that on a June afternoon nearly a hundred years ago somebody had been moved not only to file away a leaf of blue paper from a previous evening but record the exact moment, as if somehow to be able someday to return. HISTORY IS DECEPTIVE. It is peopled not by per- sons but rather by almost static, abstractly defined enti- ties who even when brought to life by skilled historians are unreal. "Garfield, Arthur, Harrison and Hayes-time of my father's time, blood of his blood, life of his life, they had been living, real and actual people in all the passion, power and feeling of my father's youth. And for me, they were the lost Americans: their gravely vacant and be- whiskered faces mixed, melted, swam together in the sea-depths of a past intangible, immeasurable and un- knowable. And they were lost." So writes Thomas Wolfe. and he is right, there is something tragic and yet monu- mentally important in the fact that men can never know their past nor understand it, let alone someone else's. Again Wolfe: "There is a bridge we crossed, the mill we slept in, and the creek. There is a field of wheat, a hedge, a dusty road, an apple orchard, and the sweet wild tangle of a wood upon that hill. And there is six o'clock across the fields again, now and always, as it was and will be to world's end forever. And some of us have died this morning nming through the field - feel qualified to rule by virtue of the absolutes of their reality. They have come to know certain "truths" and must pass them down. The dynamic of change, though, seems to be the fact that one cannot accept synthetic truth. Or at least those who provide the impetus to change cannot accept an experience handed down' artificially and have it con- stitute their definition of reality. Instead they must go out for their own, lessons. An interesting dialectic of history might well be the conflict generated by two opposing visions of the world which eally reflect nothing more basic than these contrasting perspectives. The political impulse viewed in this system might be the desire of men to preserve their world, make permanent their time, through collective action. PERHAPS THAT is why there is something desperate about the exercise of power. It is an activity engaged in by men believing that they alone, or at least they es- pecially, have the key to the universe in terms of their social vision, which they feel is unique and singularly qualifies,.them to rule. It seems reasonable to believe that men of power, when finally stripped of all their ideological cant, will finally legitimate their positions of power by pointing to the qualities of their personality. In other words, they feel that they best understand the way things are or at least can best make meaning of events and translate it into action. I hope the historian see it this way when they write about our time. For it is the way it is. The tragedy of today is that Dean Rusk and Walt Rostow and the Joint Chiefs of Staff all know they are right. And in their world they are. But the dissent, the opposition to 4 I