Seventy-Seven Years of Editorial Freedom EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS : Where Opinions Are Free, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH. Trutb Will Prevail NEWS PHONE: 764-0552 Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 1, 1968 NIGHT EDITOR: WALLACE IMMEN A WorKing Partnership For Higher INSTITUTIONS OF higher education must begin turning their attention to the role the federal government will play in shaping their policies. For many years federal involvement in universities and colleges has grown at a haphazard pace, lacking over-all coordi- nation and balance. The growth has been largely spurred by the government's mis- sion-oriented research and student sup- port programs. The result has been an uneven preference for certain institutions and their differential development. So far, comprehensive planning of higher education has been rudimentary. The question can no longer be a reversal of the trend in federal involvement. That would likely be more disasterous than beneficial. Rather, the question becomes one of universities and colleges actively shaping a new working relationship with its future chief source of support. FOR PUBLIC universities and colleges,, the problem will be complicated by a changing relationship with their state legislatures. State and local government shares of education costs amount to only 26 per cent of the total at present; this share is certain to drop as the federal proportion rises in the next decade to be- tween 30 and 50 per cent. Yet state and local governments harbor a sufficient sense of their own power over, public education to resent the intrusion by an outside source that would reduce their power. The problem of autonomy with relation to the federal government is difficult enough without the added political difficulties of a resistant legis- lature. Administrators must ask with whom 1 the decision-making lies in the new alli- ance. The federal government in the past, allocated its support largely to achieve specific national goals. The range of de- cisions to be exercised will expand as Washington assumes more of the burden of direct operating expenses and student support. The federal government can continue to act largely at its discretion in setting policy as long as universities propose such self-centered programs as across-the-board aid without any con- ception of how such aid fits into the na- tional education picture. Higher education institutions must 'Education begin xys jointly defining their role in meeting the nation's needs. They must take into consideration the impact of federal monetary support and decision- making power upon the primary product of the universities and colleges-the edu- cation of students. They must decide whether they are to become largely serv- ice centers to the new industrial state, sheltered centers of dis-interested knowl- edge, or some variegated combination of several functions. BEYOND THE important issues of finan- cial allocation and definition of na- tional priorities in education, further issues arise. Traditional university prerogatives in setting internal standards can conceiv- ably be altered by a changing relation- shii with an external power. One has only to look at the influence, direct or indirect, on university standards on classified research to see the potential for control that could spread to other areas. The various forms of academic freedom -ranging from the scholar's right to se- lect his area of endeavor to the institu- tion's freedom to innovate-also require safeguards. Such nebulous freedoms are not amenable to hard-and-fast stipula- tion; but, because of their very ill-de- fined status, they are particularly vul- nerable to seduction in the service of non-academic functions. NiVERSITY administrators cannot permit the federal government to un- ilaterally define the position of higher education for the future. They will not be able, however, to deal effectively with the government on an individual basis. There is a need for a body representative of higher education institutions to focus on the issues and their solution before the problem grows beyond their control. Real planning will be meaningful only if real authority for policy formulation and implementation can be delegated among both partners in the working re- lationship. Unless higher education in- stitutions learn to pull together, they will continue in the same morass of con- tradictions that today threatens to create an imbalance of purpose. --DAVID KNOKE T'heL By TRAN VAN DINH Collegiate Press Service THE VIET CONG raid on the United States embassy in Saigon Tuesday is just the most recent dramatic example of the "terror- ism" that many Americans cite as the reason why the U.S. has sent 500,000 troops to South Viet- nam. Yet if "terrorism" can be under- stood in its dictionary definition of "the use of terror and violence to intimidate, subjugate especially as a political weapon or policy," then the U.S. has committed acts of terror which make the Viet Cong's killing of headsmen and civilians insignificant. Since February, 1965, over 675,- 000 tons of bombs, including anti- personnel fragment bombs, have rained down on North Vietnam alone-more total tonnage drop- ped on Germany during all of World War II. Bombings of South Vietnamese villages are even more massive; this is the reason why there are now two million refugees in the South who have left destroyed villages. In other words, the U.S. has used massed killings in order to prevent individual killings. FOR THOSE Americans who do not see U.S. "terrorism" in the same light as the Viet Cong atro- cities I will give the benefit of assuming sincerity to them. But I would also like to make a few observations to them: The Viet Cong are Vietnamese and they are in Vietnam. They are pursuing a political policy, a national program in the territory of Vietnam. The Viet Cong "terrorism" is selective and aims at a political goal. The Viet Cong first warn people whom they have con- demned before they strike. This applies to individuals and not to communities which are part of the war machine, although the Viet Cong have persistently asked Vietnamese not to 'be near the Americans. The "Free French" used' the same kind of "terrorism" against the French who cooperated with the Germans during the occupa- tion. Gen. De Gaulle has been blamed for almost everything, but no one in this country branded him a terrorist during World War II. Terrorism is not the monopoly of communist organizations. It is n k own ietn. am sidered as 'foreigners' by the tensely clannish and provin peasantry. "Land policies often admir in phraseology, were not weak in execution and freque T operated to the benefit of the sentee landlords rather than tl who actually tilled the soil." THIEU AND KY have put 000 Buddhists in jail, impriso hundreds of students, attacke hand grenades and bombs (v their police, of course) the Yo School for Social Services of Buddhist University in Sail ... killing students Malcolm W. Browne, a Puli Prize winning journalist, wrot the Los Angeles' Times of Ma 5, 1967: "I've seen VC prison have their hands and even t heads chopped off by their Sai captors. Even American tre have gone in for their share of heading and if anyone doubt, I can assure him there is ab dant proof in the form of ph( graphs.," Many TV views in this cou watched CBS News in thee ning of October 9, 1967. T they could see GIs cutting3 Cong ears. Since this diselos the TV correspondents in So - communist Vietnam are closely followed P. J. Honey, Army personnel. aarterly (No. Carlyle Thayer, an Internatic 962): "The Voluntary Service volunteer n) was in South Vietnam, writes of a c communists, versation with two soldiers: those-and was hard to contrast their m were dem- ner off the field with the sto rals, adher- they told. I was shown a gas c o were bold nister that they said violated eir disagree- Geneva Convention; but they e of policy the 'Viet Cong' also used it. T oligarchy." spoke of killing captured at the Viet- because they couldn't take tI e terrorized along. And they told me ab h the Viet the apricots they strung thro sk why they montagnard neck rings - th the Chi- 'apricots' were the ears of h with the they had killed." Tror, in- There exists in South Vietnam icial an organization called Biet Kich (special attackers) known in the able "civilized" 'English language as ably "Provincial Reconnaissance Un- ntly its." Robert A. Erlandson. Saigon ab- correspondent for the Baltimore hose Sun wrote (December 16, 1967 about them: "These are the provincial units, 10.- whose name suggests their main ned job but whose fbrmer title, coun- d by ter-terror squads and nickname with 'Murder, Inc.' are more appropri- auth ate. Trained and financed largely the by the CIA, their mission is to gon, capture or assassinate members of the Viet Cong." tzer Sen. Stephen Young (D-Ohio) e in has also revealed the existence of arch the Biet Kich, who often dress ners themselves like the Viet Cong, heir come into a village, terrorize it gon and accuse the Viet Cong of "ter- b0pe rorism." s it' In an interview in the program it. Meeting of the Minds (NBC, un- October 8, 1967) Mr. Grant, Deputy AID Director, admitted ntry that "the Viet Cong did not kill eve- the AID personnel for fear of los- here ing popularity with the villagers." Viet Strange enough, while Washing- ure, ton and Saigon accused the Viet uth Cong of terrorism and all kinds of by crimes, General Thieu's govern- ment named in December 1967 onal' two former Viet Cong, Lt. Colonel in Le Xuan Chuyen and Lt. Colonel on- Huynh Cu as ."special assistant "It to the open arms minister" and an- "commandant of the armed prop- ries aganda school" respectively. an- the MY CONCLUSION is this: only said those who believe in peace can 'hey condemn violence and terrorism, VC' only those who believe in non-vio hem lence can condemn violence. A )out man who drops a bomb can't con- ugh demn a man who carries a knife the and if one wishes terrorism to end VC' in Vietnam one then must work for the end of the war there. 'A *1 Viet Cong Terror Is Selective ... Tanks burn during uprising against Diem. used in even larger scale by anti- communist groups. During the October "revolution" (1965) in Indonesia, half a million sus- pected communists were slaugh- tered by the Indonesian Army. The U.S. did not protest against the Indonesia military junta and did not send .500,000 troops to fight the Indonesian terrorists, in this case Gen. Suharto, present Indo- nesian chief of state, and his gov- ernment. DURING PRESIDENT Ngo Dinh Diem's regime in South Vietnam terrorist methods were used. Ac- cording to a document published by the Saigon Ministry of Infor- mation in October, 1960, a -total of 48,250 had been jailed between 1954 and 1960. The number of people who were killed (in the thousands) 'were not revealed. From 1960 to 1963, this amount was at least double. After the overthrow of Diem in 1963, the then military junta re- vealed fantastic stories of terror- ist acts which were committed by the Saigon government from 1954 to 1963. Yet the U.S. increased aid to Diem during these years. The British anti- expert on Vietnam, P wrote in the China Qu 9, January-March 1 repression (by Saigo theory aimed at the< In fact it affected all they were many-who ocrats, socialists, libe ents to the sects-wh enough to express the ment with the line adopted by the ruling, It has been said the namese peasants "ar into cooperation wit Cong." One should as did not cooperate wit nese, with the Frenc Japanese, with Diem, Thieu, Gen. Ky and th people all use force a against the peasants "intense fear." George A. Carver, a the CIA, admitted in "The Faceless Viet C eign Affairs, April 196E administrators Diem p countryside were oft and seldom native tot which they were assi \ which caused them1 -, YYtVl V- , with Gen. he U.S.? The and violence and provoke member of his article Cong" (For- 6) that "the osted to the ten corrupt the areas to gned, a fact to be con- . and Aims at Politico' roals Suicide squad repulsed at Sagon radio station. Le ters to the Editor 1 t Negro History To the Editor: I AM SURPRISED and disturb- ed by W. B. Willcox's (Jan. 17) arguments against the student- suggested course in Negro history. I can't understand why he ans- wers student concern and criti- cism of his department with feel- ings of personal affront.. I can't refute his feelings, but I certainly challenge his argu- ments. Willcox responds that "even if all (Miss Hunt's) statements were true" if there is both desire to learn and someone to teach - the choice of an academic topic as a course must be justified. A curious argument. EVEN ALLOWING that stand- ard, however, his explanation of it amazes me. A topic or problem is certainly a legitimate alternative totime period and/or area as the defini- tion of an academic course in history. The University's depart- ment is organized almost entire- ly by area-period titles, yet in my experience, the best teachers re-structure their discussions by problem-topics: Asia's economic development or nationalist-com- munists, Russia's elite intelligent- sia, East Europe's national min- orities are typical. Willcox implies that fair, in- conclusive study of, in this case, American history, would be im- paired by narrow focus on the Negro experience in this country. Inclusiveness is an honorable his- torian's concern-yet only the scholastic, cloistered, if not sim- ply arrogant mind insists that the. multitude of process and problem, forces and events demanding an historian's attention can be ex- hausted in any type of course. Clearly the history of black peo- ple in America involves serious study of social-economic develop- ments and raises anxious, pene- trating questions about the suc- cess, the failure-the very sincer- ity and possibility-of capitalistic egalitarian democracy in this powerful modern society. DR. WILLCOX, what more could you want from an American history course? To Willcox, a course "Negro history" would "perpetuate em- phasis on their separateness at just the time when their assimi- lation is the crucial problem." I AND WHO KNOWS? The ef- fect of knowledge on race rela- tions might even be beneficial, Dr. Willcox's suggestion notwith- standing. For American students, a good course in Negro history could be personally disturbing. But surely the University's his- tory department has courage to confront such study, though the students of Ann Arbor High do nlot. Agreed, the lack of black in- structors is regrettable. But that's a temporary situation. Meanwhile, the course is still desired and Willcox knows that there are his- torians at the University quali- fied, though white, to teach Ne- gro history. Without lowering standard in the department, it remains for the department to meet the explicit desire and need for that course. --Harriet N. Katz (Honors History) '69 Makeba To the Editor: IN HIS excellent critique of Miriam Makeba's unforgettable performance (Daily, Jan. 28), Jim Peters makes one debatable geo- graphical allusion when he asserts that "Miss Makeba sampled all the flavor' of the humid, misty, tropi- cal jungles which seem to incite her." Unless I am very much mis- taken, neither Miss Makeba nor any of the songs offered that eve- ning have anything to do with jungles, humid, misty, or tropical. The Xosa, her own people, and the Zulu, whose songs are also part of her repertory, are about as far removed from the nearest tropical jungle as are the Egyp- tians or the Moroccans. In fact it is not easy to locate tropical jungle on the African continent. There is not as much of it as is commonly assumed. -Henry L. Bretton Professor, Political Science To the Editor: I HAVE read the review of Miriam Makeba's concert here last Saturday by Jim Peters. He comments that "the three girl chorus used near the end seemed vulgar and totally unsuited to Miss Makeba's style." This re- mark shows a lack of insight with African culture and music. Body movements are an integral part of self expression in African mu- sic and should not be judged by stereotyped Western standards. Mr. Peters has, unfortunately, a disappointment. Once again the mother of state universities is failing to lead her daughter, the reason being that her leaders (and this time they are not administra- tors but academicians) do not wish to challenge the status quo. Rapoport mentions the need for moral rather than prudential acts. What Neil Shister said in his ar- ticle "About Fleming and the Uni- versity" in a recent issue of the Daily on the need for vision in the University is relevant here. Is it too preposterous to suggest that a clue to the source of vision and hence. of the possibility of moral action is to be found in the Chris- tian gospel? -John A. Bailey, Prof. of Near Eastern Studies 0 .:s: A........P......r..o t Wages:.A inimum Protection By GARY N. BARBER Daily Guest Writer IN ANY society at a given time there are certain questions of public policy that appear to be closed to serious debate or ques- tion. In America today a few of these topics are Social Security, T.V.A., the use of nuclear weapons, the minimum wage and higher un- employment of Negroes resulting from discrimination. The minimum wage law says that workers-in industries and jobs covered by the law-cannot be hired at wage rates below a spe- cific amount. A national minimum wage rate was first established in 1938. The stated purpose of the act was to eliminate, as rapidly as possible, labor conditions thought to be harmful to the "health, ef- ficiency and general well-being of the workers . . . without substan- tially curtailing employment or earning power." A 1965 Gallup poll found 55 per cent of the American people feel the minimum wage should be raised. If they fully understand its effects, would they still think so? Would they want one at all? THE MINIMUM wage law is as anti-Negro in its efforts as its ad- vocates are pro-Negro in their in- tentions. While only a relatively few workers are directly affected by minimum wage laws, those that are include a disproportionate IN OTHER CASES minimum wages force up product prices, in- ducing consumers to shift to some other product and thus reduce em- ployment in the former industry. Some of the strongest supporters of minimum wages are the man- agements and unions of the North- eastern textile industry. Since they already pay and receive above average wages it is in their interest to force up the costs of their com- petitors in the lower Southeast. In so doing, the Southern Negro is not able to find employment in his home area and thus immi- grates to the North, where, un- able to find a job at the artificial- ly high wage rates and in the face of discrimination of white-run unions, he becomes a welfare case. The higher taxes resulting from this in some measure offset the in- come gains made by these same persons who advocated the mini- mum wage laws as, a means of pro- tecting their profits and incomes. But, what of the average do- gooser who honestly feels he is! helping the underpaid worker by means of the minimum wage law? That even he has some doubts as to its effects is shown in the fol- lowing analysis. . If it is assumed that a mini- mum wage raises income without costing jobs, then why not set a limit of $3.00 per hour? Surely $1.60 per hour, about $3,000 a year, is not as good as the $6,000 at a $3.00 per hour rate. Perhaps, even istic members of society." People's motive are both mone- tary and non-monetary. Monetary motives are satisfied by money and money is all alike. Non-monetary motives include what we call taste if we approve, or discrimination if we disappreove. A, man concerned with purely monetary factors will not discriminate in his choice of employees but will employ those who can produce most economic- ally. If we now interfere with the -market system of employment by instituting a minimum wage law, the employer will reduce employ- ment of those persons who are least productive+-the less educated and less able. In addition, since he must pay a fixed minimum rate to all applicants, why not choose among his own preferred racial group over others? THE ARGUMENT has been made that this is fine in theory, but that in fact when the mini- mum wage goes up very few people lose their jobs. The fact is that, beginning today, 5,000 handicap- ped persons employed by Goodwill Industries will be unemployed, 475 in the Detroit area alone, as a re- sult of the increase of the mini- mum wage from $1.25 to $1.60. Indeed, each time the minimum wage has increased a definite up- turn in unemployment has follow- ed within six monthe afterwards. In 1956, for example, when the rate i RG" Cas kr Sr'ws... % -o "Follow in my wake! ... I have a pilot aboard!" 4r AtOtfgun ttj1J SUSAN ELAN ............ Associate Managing Editor STEPHEN FIRSHEIN ...... Associate Managing Editor LAURENCE MEDOW ...... Associate Managing Editor RONALD KLEMPNER .... Associate Editorial Director