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SeventIy-Sev.en Years of Editorial Freedom
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

Poltics. arTODAAND TOMORROW.. by WALTER LIPPMAN theGame
E~i ics and Poker: BreakingC7UP teGm

Where Opinions Are Free, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH.
Truth Will Prevail

NEWS PHONE: 764-05521

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

SATURDAY, JANUARY 6, 1968

NIGHT EDITOR: DANIEL OKRENT

Administration Moves in Right
Direction but Takes Wrong Step

NEW YORK - The safest thing
to say is that it is too early to
guess about the 1968 elections. But
politicians and journalists are not
allowed to play it that safely. For
the politicians are already mak-
ing choices and decisions, and, as
for the journalists, they had bet-
ter go out of business if they want
it never to be said that they
guessed wrong.
And so, since political guessing
is inevitable, how can we best
educate our guesses? We must
have some idea where we are go-
ing during the coming months.
While there is no way of fore-
casting now whether the Demo-
crats or the Republicans will win
the Presidency or who the Repub-
lican candidate will be or even
whether Lyndon Johnson will be
the Democratic candidate, it is
possible, I think, to see that 1968
may be a critical year in our
party politics - a year like 1932,
when a new coalition of groups
and factions emerged and took

THE BOARD OF Governor's enlightened
decision last month to give students
the control over visitation hours in the
dormitory rooms they rent from the
University is a tardy recognition of the
obvious. For it merely places the Good-
housekeeping Seal of Approval from the
Mother of State Universities on rights
the students claimed on their own last
semester with no intention of relinquish-
ing them.
In effect the Board's action elevated
University students above the social level
of junior high school kids on their way
to their first Snowball Ball with Daddy
driving.
Individual members of the Board can-
vassed the campus and came to the con-
clusion that the word "student" is not
some stigma, and that affording tuition-
paying members of society the same
rights as human beings will not cause
a rash increase in the country's birth
rate,
ALAS, DESPITE THEIR flawless sense
of direction, there are pitfalls into
which University functionaries contin-
ually tumble. In this case the Board just

wasn't up to abandoning time-tested
bureaucratic procedures and had to dele-
gate the right to determine visitation
hours through house councils rather than
leaving the policing of rooms up to the
individuals themselves. In such private
matters, House councils are not the rele-
vant decision-making unit. Why not pre-
tend that University dorms are like al-
most any other Ann Arbor apartment,
and let students as individuals at least
have the right to make their own de-
cisions in exchange for the excessive
rents they pay.
NEVERTHELESS, IT IS comfortinag that
the University is beginning to aban-
don its rigid head-in-the-sand attitude
and recognize that students are no longer
content to be silent partners in running
an institution which would not exist
without them. But if the power elite of
the University does not learn last month's
lesson, the University community will be
the scene of futile rear-guard battles
over issues the students have already
resolved for themselves.
--KEN KELLEY

Last Flicker of 'Flaming Creatures'

Since then the Democrats have
been the dominant party. They
have had a coalition of organized
labor, farmers, ethnic minorities,
the intellectual community and
the young voters. This coalition
was put together by Franklin
Roosevelt and, although it had a
setback under Gen. Dwight Eisen-
hower because of the Korean war,
it elected John F. Kennedy in
1960 and Lyndon Johnson in 1964.
The crucial question for 1968
is first whether the Democratic
coalition is breaking up. The sec-
ond question is whether a Repub-
lican coalition, capable of taking
over political power, can be dis-
cerned.
THt~ERE IS, of course, no doubt
hat the Democratic coalition.
first under Mr. Roosevelt and
later under Mr. Kennedy, is, if
not broken, badly fractured. The
political question is whether it
will no longer constitute a ma-
jority in the 1968 election.
w 1.
I
3 '
It is impossible to make a defi-
nite guess about this. There is in
the first place the uncertainty of
war. While there is little doubt,
it seems to me, that the war can-
not be won in the sense that
South Vietnam becomes an inde-
pendent, anti - Communist a n d
anti-Chinese state, it might hap-
pen that Hanoi will be so bat-
tered that it makes a gesture of
submission. This may be unlikely,
but it is possible. In that case
Lyndon Johnson may yet appear
in the role of a victor. This might
rally a large part of the old Demo-
cratic majority.
But we must remember that as
with Mr. Wilson in 1918 and Win-
ston Churchill in 1945, being vic-
torious is not necessarily and al-
ways a free ticket to election.
THE OTHER great asset of the
Democratic Party is that as late
as 1967 there were, according to
the Gallup Poll, 46 Democrats to
every 27 Republicans in the coun-
try. What the proportion will be
in November will surely depend
in a great measure on whether
the Republicans nominate a can-
didate who attracts or repels
Democrats.
Moreover, the Johnson leaders
must remember that a landslide
victory very much like that of
Mr. Johnson's in 1964 was won by
Herbert Hoover in 1928. Mr.
Hoover in 1928 won by 44 elec-
toral votes to 87. Yet, four years
later, his huge majority had dis-

appeared; the Great Depression
made him a one-term President,

and the Republican Party after
the defeat was so broken that it
lost the next four elections in a
row.
Out of the old Democratic
coalition, Mr. Johnson today has
lost most of the intellectual com-
munity and a very large propor-
tion of the young voters. It is not
easy to see how he can win them
back. There is little he can say
or do which will make them for-
get or forgive the way that pledges
were broken and promises re-
versed immediately after the 1964
election. Not even a gesture of
surrender from Hanoi will restore
the confidence of the intellectuals
and the young, their faith and
hope in the President.
IT IS TRUE, of course, that the
intellectual community and the
young people are nothing like a
majority of the people. But in
this century, at least, the Demo-
crats have never won an election
without their active support. If
the Democrats can win this time,
it will be because the Republicans
have made it impossible for anti-
Johnson Democrats to vote for
the Republican candidate.
If this happens, if the Repub-
licans do not offer the great mass
of dissenting Democrats a choice,
there will be some, there may be
many, who will vote for Mr. John-
son, preferring the devil they
know.
But what I fear most is that for
lack of a political choice in 1968
there will be a large exodus from
the political arena into some form
of political nihilism - despair,
drugs, withdrawal, sporadic vio-
lence, refusal to play the game,
including attempts to break up
and interfere with the game.
THIS IS THE prospect which
must most concern responsible
Democrats who look ahead. They
do not have to win the 1968 elec-
tion. That may be beyond their
power. But they do have to save
the Democratic Party as an
American institution, making good
its claim to the support of
Americans in times to come.
Their main task in 1968 is to pre-
vent the destruction of the faith
that in this nation political griev-
ances can be righted by political
means.
The Democrats must not be-
come identified with the notion,
which is not widespread, that
what presidential candidates say
when they are running for office
is quite different from what they
do when they get into office; that
voters in the Senate and in the
House have no effect on the ac-
tivity of a President when he
wages undeclared war after an-
nouncing various slogans, refuses
to explain what he is doing; that,
in a word, the political life is a
fraud.
This is the overriding issue on
which Sen. Eugene McCarthy has
chosen to take his stand. It is a
gallant and discerning decision
and, whatever the outcome, it will
mean that someone has come
forth, not to fulfill an ambition
or to work off a grievance, but
to keep valid the Democratic be-
lief that the greatest issues in
public should be decided not in
the streets but by orderly and
rational debate.
THERE ARE reasons for think-
ing that the time has come
when the Roosevelt coalition is
worn out and a new coalition is
waiting to be formed.. In some re-
spects the situation resembles the
year 1912 when the Republican
coalition which had dominated
American politics since the Civil
War broke apart. Like the Repub-
licans in 1912, the Democrats to-
day are deeply divided among
themselves. Mr. Wilson, who was
the beneficiary of the Republican
split in 1912, did not put to-

gether a durable Democratic
coalition.

The final Republican crack-up
took place under Mr. Hoover in
1932 in the midst of the Great
Depression. In the aftermath
Franklin Roosevelt in the 1930s
put together the Democratic coa-
lition w h i c h has dominated
American politics ever since.
TODAY ON THE EVE of the
1968 election year certain things
are clear. One of them is that the
Democrats are split over the war
and the personality of Lyndon
Johnson. Another is really more
significant for the future: it is
that the Roosevelt coalition is
worn out and no longer repre-
sents the realities of the present
age. The true believer in the New
Deal philosophy and program is
today an old-fashioned fellow
who has not kept up with the
times.
It is an accident that, at the
time when the New Deal has be-
come obsolete, the President in
the White House should be a man
whose political ideas are hand-
me-downs from the New Deal. It
is an accident, too, that, having
vowed he would not do it, he has
involved the country in a frus-
trating war. And it is also an
accident that he is personally un-
likable.
Had none of these accidents
happened, the outstanding fact of
our time would still be that the
old Roosevelt coalition is dying
and that a new coalition is wait-
ing to be formed.
THERE HAVE BEEN great
changes since Mr. Roosevelt put
together his coalition in the after-
math of the Great Depression.
The working class is no longer
struggling, as it was then, for
employment and for elementary
rights and privileges in bargain-
ing about its wages and condi-
tions of work. The affluence
which the expanding American
economy is producing has lifted
a large part of the working class

business. There has been develop-
ing a remarkable sense of obliga-
tions of power by the men who
have become used to the exercise
of power.
The age of the robber barons
and of the sweatshop capitalists
has passed away and in the great
m o d e r n corporate aggregations
there is a new generation of man-
agers who realize that they are
part of a new form of social or-
ganization.
The old concepts of the econo-
mists and of the reformers do not
fit the facts any longer. They do
not describe these men who con-
duct enterprises which are a mix-
ture of public and private partici-
pation and who have learned that
while they must work for private
profit they must serve the public
welfare. This new form of eco-
nomic organization has been
identified by Prof. Kenneth Gal-
braith. We are living in a post-
capitalist and post-Marxian era.
Like so many epoch-making
changes in man's affairs, the new
epoch has begun before the men
who live with it are fully aware
of it.
IN THEIR LEADERSHIP and
in their political organization to-
day, neither of the two parties
truly reflects and represents
these momentous changes inthe
dominant forces of our society.
But if self-government is to work
through political means, one party
must come to reflect and repre-
sent the realities of contemporary
life. It must be in tune with what
has happened since the 1930s.
I do not myself think that the
Democrats can do this now. For
with Lyndon Johnson as Presi-
dent they have alienated irrepar-
ably the intellectual community
and the young voters, and with-
out them the Democratic Party
does not have the brains or the I
energy for the task of represent-
ing the new age.

sI

THE CELEBRATED Cinema G u i l d
"Flaming Creatures" case ended with
a fizzle, not a bang in December as Mary
Barkey pleaded guilty in a surprise move.
Those who were hoping to create a
test case which would affirm the im-
munity of student organizations from
.outoide police interference have been
seriously disappointed, not to say an-
gered, at Miss Barkey's apparent "sell-
out."
The most legitimate objection the sin-
cere advocates of artistic freedom have
to Miss Barkey's plea is that she waited
so long to make it.
If she did not want to denfend prin-
ciple and attempt to establish a prece-
dent in the case, it seems obvious she
should have backed out at the beginning.
However, had Miss Barkey pleaded guilty
at that time the case would never have
gotten out of Municipal Court, adverse
publicity would have died quickly and
Cinema Guild would have been saved
the incurred court costs.
AS THE SITUATION stands now, Cin-
ema Guild has suffered a highly pub-
lized defeat in Circuit Court. However
personal accusations against Miss Bar-
key may be ill-considered.
In reality the case would have been of
limited value as ae precedent. The de-
fense attorneys did not concentrate their
arguments on the issue of artistic freedom
per se, but brought in a good deal of
procedural considerations which may

have strengthened the case itself, but
limited its effectiveness as a favorable
precedent.
Specifically, they accused the local
police of improper procedure in con-
fiscating the film and making arrests
without previously viewing the film and
giving its sponsors an opportunity to
defend its artistic and social value.
WHILE ARREST PROCEDURE is an im-
portant issue in itself, a favorable
decision in this case may have resulted
in stricter censorship controls; prospects
of a University requirement for prior
police review of all films shown on cam-
pus can hardly be seen as favorable to
artistic freedom, especially in view of
the ambiguity of present state obscenity
guidelines.
Even if the case had not resulted in
such a requirement, the multiple argu-
ments involved would provide a con-
venient legal technicality for future
prosecutions.
While the lateness of Miss Barkey's
decision to plead guilty is unfortunate,
the decision itself is in Cinema Guild's
best interest. Rather than fighting the
case in higher courts and giving already
shaky Cinema Guild finances a further
blow, she chose the personally more pain-
ful, but in the long run most practical,
route, and is therefore not to be con-
demned,
JILL CRABTREE

;T
l
_

-0

over political power. This may
be, this can be, a year when the
Democratic Party, as brought to-
gether by Franklin Roosevelt un-
der the banner of the New Deal,
gives place to a new coalition
formed by the Republicans.
This is not a certainty. The
Republicans may fumble the op-
portunity. But the dominant fea-
ture of the political scene will be,
I venture to predict, that this his-
toric opportunity now presents it-
self.
WE START, THEN, with the
general proposition that in this
big country all successful political
parties are coalitions. When they
are solid, interlocking coalitions
of powerful interests, the party
is likely to dominate political life
until it breaks up and important
elements in the coalition seek
their satisfaction in the other
party.
In the past hundred years there
have been two great coalitions.
The first was Republican, formed
at the time of the Civil War; it'
was a union of the manufacturing
interests of the North and of the
farmers outside of the South.
While this coalition lasted, the
Republican Party won most of the
elections, losing only a few and
then only temporarily. In 1912
the Republican coalition began to
break up and, although it recov-
ered in the 1920s, after the re-
action against Woodrow Wilson
and World War I, the coalition
went smash in 1932 in the Great
Depression.

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K'

'a

DMILE Of THE ROAD

1S GETTING KIND OF NARROW..:

The Calloused Peace Feelers

to a standard of living which has
made it a part of the middle class.
And this has meant that the
working class which has been left
behind, in the main the Negroes,
has little solidarity with and, in
fact, has a dangerous antagonism
toward those who have forged
ahead.
In the upper class, among the
managers and owners of corpo-
rate industry, there has been a
revolutionary change of attitude
since the first appearance of big

For this reason I do not think
that crucial question for 1958 is
what McCarthy and Sen. Robert
Kennedy do, important and in-
teresting and significant as that
may be, certainly for the future.
The crucial question is whether
the Republicans, who are still
distraught by their ideological
caper in 1964, can pull themselves
together and seize an historic
opportunity which is now theirs
for the taking.
(c), 1967, The washington Post Co.

IN THE MURKY world of diplomatic
manuevering that surrounds the Viet-
nam war the visible surface of the ice-
berg too ' often distorts the underlying
circumstances.
The North Vietnamese diplomatic mis-
sion in several countries have reiterated
the willingness of Hanoi to talk with the
United States about "relevant problems".
This event must not be viewed in Isola-
tion from certain ploys by Cambodia's
Prince Sihanouk to stave off encroach-
ment of the war on his country.
Sihanouk describes himself as caught
"between the hammer and anvil" of op-
posing military forces which his small
army would be unable to prevent from
crossing Canobia's borders. He is ap-
parently jockeying to prevent a perman-
ent intrusion of the 'war on his soil by
playing off U.S. interests with threats
of seeking Chinese or Russian help.
North Vietnamese interests in opening
a peace bid now would want to enter
bargaining from a position of military
strength. The stepped-up activity by
North Vietnamese troops in Laos, Cam-
bodia and along the borders of those
nations in South Vietnam may have
been a prelude to Hanoi's announcement
last week that it "will" talk if bombing
of the North is stopped. Previous Hanoi
a+stm--- hsti ai Wnrh Vim-Mom

Despite pre-election promises, the Thieu
government appears even more adamant
than previous against recognizing, meet-
ing informally or otherwise contacting
the National Liberation Front. Despite
overt pressure from President Johnson
to move in that direction, the Saigon
regime seems more interested in con-
solidating barracks-room rivalries than
bringing peace to the war-torn country.
President Thieu is planning to replace
many of the province chiefs appointed
under now Vice-President Ky's regime
as premier; police chief Loan, a Ky crony,
has already been forced out in a previous
power play. Practically the only agree-
ment among the factions in the North-
ern- and military-dominated Saigon re-
gime is an unwillingness to open up
negotiations that might result in a coali-
tion government with the communists
and nationalists that would jeopardize
their hegemony.
AS IN THE PAST, in the game of politics
and diplomacy the people suffer the
the most by indecisions. The objective
social conditions that originally impelled
the revolution and have sustained the
insurgents have been ignored by those
who control the South Vietnamese gov-
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Letters: Passing the Buck to the 'Bump'

To the Editors:
A WEEK OR SO before the holi-
day vacation, The Daily re-
printed a letter from Steve
Schember who, a m o n g other
things, called Bump Elliott "one
of the most mediocre football
coaches in the country." Obvious-
ly the "buck" has to stop some-
where (invariably on the head
coach's lap), yet is it too much to
ask for a little balance and com-
mon sense from our sideline Quar-
terbcak Club?
Since our freshman year Michi-
gan's four year record has been
23-17, certainly no Alabama or
Notre Dame, but nonetheless re-
markable in view of our alleged
deplorable coaching. This record
seems all the more amazing when
compared to Duffy's green giants
(two supermen" teams in four sea-
sons) with a 26-13-1 record; or
the most irrascible Woody. who

Another point mentioned by
Schember was that "the talent on
this year's (Michigan) team was
easily as ample as Indiana which
has a good coach." Whether this
statement is true or not is a moot
question. However, assuming it's
a priori validity, is it unreasonable
to assert: "The talent on this
year's (MSU, Iowa, Illinois, North-
western, OSU, et al.) team was
easiily as ample as Indiana which
has a good coach?" Now please
don't misunderstand this-we're
not apologizing for our mediocre
record this past season, it should
have been better. But to say (as
Mr. Schember does) dropped pass-
es, interceptions, fumbles, etc., are
the result of poor coaching and
are "inexcusable for any college
team, let alone one in the Big
Ten" is pure balderdash. Even
mighty Bear Bryant who report-
edly can walk on water or the
comnner -1ire Vinc T omhani

do that; nonetheless it would be
sincerely appreciated if some in-
dividuals, despite their sincerity
and good intentions, would show a
little mature judgment before look-
ing for a scapegoat. When one re-
examines our pre-season football
prospects and considers the gaps
which had to be filled (four un-
tried defensive backs, an inexperi-
enced end corps, sophomores and
non-letter winners in the offensive
backfield), then it seems Bump
and is staff did a commendable
coaching job.
We seniors have seen Bump El-
liott from a different and much
closer perspective than most, and
in addition to his coaching abil-
ities, he has always impressed us
with his loyalty, sincerity, and per-
sonal integrity. As we look back
on our football experience at
Michigan, it is our association with
men such as Bump Elliott that we

Jail Cell
To the Editor:
I THINK THE citizens of this
community would be interested
in knowing what goes on in our
county jail occasionally. Last
week I went to visit a group of
young men serving sentences
which they incurred a year and
a half ago as the result of a dem-
onstration at the local draft
board office. Six of them and a
seventh were taken out of the
incorrigible cell so that I might
visit with them. They had been
placed there 24 hours earlier and
were released for a short time in
the morning for breakfast and
toilet. I was shocked to learn that
seven men would be placed in a
cell measuring six by six feet for
24 hours. I made a few telephone
calls and by evening I was in-
Mrm4A rt a f,.minA, 4+rv, v

or chair and only periodic re-
leases.
What was the offense? One or
more of the group of seven in the
cell were trying to convert a candy
bar into hot chocolate by placing
the candy bar in a cup and light-
ing a fire under it, using toilet
paper for the combustible. When
the fire was discovered all seven
were placed in the incorrigible
despite the confession of one that
he had lit the fire.
WHAT DID THE Prosecuting
Attorney's investigation reveal?
Nothing in writing, but I was in-
formed over the phone that all
seven were guilty because they
were "involved" in the incident.
And how were they involved? As
the result of "participation,"
"discussion," or "c o n s p i r a c y."
Could any one of theseven have

C