"
Un mploym nt
Un
nt R t
Ail
Whit
Afrlc n Am ric n
o
According to th Departm nl of bor, w n
African American compri ed 11 of the
orkforce, they m de up 23� of the unemplo d
population nd 27� of the long-term mployed.
Thi hoi tru amon all ctOIS.
Chronic unemploym nt m that one out of
three African Ameri famili liv belo th
poverty lin , compared to only one out of ten
families in the general popul tion.
Incom
Despite years of anti-discrimina 'on legi lation
and court-ordered ffirmative c 'on in me in
dustries, racism and race-based wa discrimina
tion still affect the wages of African American
wor rs and other people of color. Prop of color
niake up 16% of the labor force and, ith the
• .exception of Asian men are largely concentrated in
low wage industries.
In addition, the last decade' decline in real
wages h hit hardest at blue collar and service
workers, where large number of African
Americans are employed.
The wage gap between white males and African
American men and women is telling. White males
make an average of 34% mote per eek than .
African American males and a full 61 � more than
African American women. And real wages are fall
ing.
African American workers employed in full
time job earned a median $315 per week in 1987,
an amount lower than any year between 972 Dd
1979.
Medl n Weekly Earning of Full-time
Worker. by Rac & Sex. 1988
Boce & Sex
Earni�s
" of Whit. MaJ.
All
$385
Whit
$394
Whit
Male
$465
100,0%
White F male
$315
67.7%
African American
67.5%
African American
Male
$314
74.6%
African Am rlcan
Female
$347
61.9%
Median Hourly Earning
by Race and S X, 1988
Race & Sex
All
White
White Male
White F male
African American
Afric n American
Male
African American
FemaJ
" If White Male
Earnings
$6.73
$6.81
$8.06
5.86
$6.15
$6.94
$5.61
73%
76%
86%
70%
Source: State of Wor1clng America, &onomlc Polley In ,1.1
In 1989 the federal government's poverty level
for a family of four was $12, 700 per year-$6.3S
an hour on a full-time job.
Thus the new minimum wage of $4.25 doesn't
keep a fami) y of four out of poverty. ,
Women of color work in the predominantly
female occupations but are further segre ated into
the lowest paying jobs: private household worker,
cook, housekeeper, welfare aide, and nursing is
tant are the most frequent occupations for African
American women. Fifty-nine percent of African
American women wotk in only two of twelve major
occupations (clerical and service work), compared
to 53.3% of white women.
Men of color work in male-dominated occupa
tions but are relegated to the lowest paying jobs.
For African American men, these jobs inchlde
longshore equipment operator, garbtge collector,
baggage porter, and security guard.
Here's one example: in Los Angeles County,
occupation primarily beld by white men requiring
an entry-level vocational license paid $33,262.
Entry-level jobs predominantly held by African
Americans and Latinos requiring such a license pald
only $17.292-
Source: .. Comm on Pay Equity
There are sub tantial numbers of African
American workers employed in ome relatively
high-paying unionized industries, such as auto and
steel. But because of past inequities African
American worke are often not in the higher
paying skilled trades in the same proportion as their
numbers in the general population or their numbers
as union members. In addi tion, recession,
economic uncertainties, decreasing market share
for U.S.-b�ed automotive and steel companies,
outsourcing, runaway shops, plant closing and long
term layoffs have closed off further opportunities
within these industries. Once the maimtay of stable
hool grad
. In 1979 high
The average college graduate al 0 earned I in
1987 than in 1971. But real wages for high school
fallen so drastically that the eamin&
gap between high school and college graduates has
grown wider.
Source: State of Work ng Amer ca, Economic poncy Inltltute, 1980.
While there is a greater likelihood of getting a
job with a high school or college diploma, there is
no pattern to suggest that a diploma increases the
chances of keeping a teady, high wage job. Be
cause of plant closings and downsizing there are
fewer and fewer job for highschool graduates. The
suppo ed replacement jobs-in the service ector
start out with low pay and stay that way.
Myth: A Job (any Job) ends poverty
In 1979, 25.7% of the workforce earned poverty
level wages.
By 1978, 31.5% of the workforce earned poverty
level wages. •
In 1987 only 12.7% of all workers earned a wage
three times above the poverty level.
Sourc.: State of Working America, Economic Po cy Inltltut., 1"1
In used to be that a new worker started out with .
relatively low earnings but expected to win higher
wages-or move to better paying jobs as he or she got
older and gained experience. Today larger seg
ments of the population work for poverty level
wages and remain in poverty, and the number who
$2
n-Am e
n,
n Ameri or oree
to permanent or parti or-
rlon th
Union ag Advant ge
by Rac and ex, 1 8
Full-Tim. W Iy Eam ng )
Non-ulion
$38-4
$452
317
$280
$305
$276
Union
503
537
$423
$423
$470
$380
Source: ta of Working Am.rlca, Economic Policy In. ute,' ,
ent d renee n union and nounlon wage
Historically, the union label
was created beca e of racism.
White cigar makers in the late 1800' used the
label to eparate their product from that of Asian
American workers, thus driving Asian workers out
of the mar et.
In the 1930s and 19405 unions used the African '
American worker as a bargaining chip. Access to
the skilled trades and upward mobility within the
unions were reserved for w hi tes, The unions did not
addre job segregation, which relegated many
unionized people of color to dangerous and dirty
work in the mill , foundries and factorie .
As uniona have been ttacked on every level,
forced to give conce ions and downsized, they
have been further weakened by racism. Their
reputation makes organizing less successful. The
belief that unions can "deliver" is at an all tim low.
Eradicating raci m from union ranks would
result in stronger links with the African American
community. In many industrial sections of this
country, imagine the legislative outcome if African
American communities fully supportive of progres
sive union policies were aroused. Anti-scab legis
lation, for example, would have a better chance of
success if the African American community as a
whole was behind it.
For the African American community, unionism
could be and should be on a par with civil rights as
a necessity for economic equality.
'Unionization for African American workers has
certainly led to increased social and economic op
portunity. But we must look inside our unions and
redress racism wherever we find it.
. Covering up past sins does not provide the basis
for the future growth of an increasingl y diverse
membership.
worker i les likely to report or see appropriate
treatment for occupational illness or injury.
Source: Surv.y of Disabled and Non-Dllabled Adult.: Chronic
D Ie, A. Krut & Mary IkIrd
Some examples: in the basic steel industry, 22%
of the workfoce is African Ainerican. Of these, 89%
are assigned to the coke ovens. African American
steelworkers have eight times more deaths from
lung cancer than white steelworkers employed at
the co e ovens. A National Cancer Institute study
of laundry and dry cleaning worker death rates
found that when compared with white workers in
the industry, African American death rates from all
causes were double those of white workers. The
study showed that African Americans had increased
death rates from liver, hmg, cervix, uterus, and skin
cancer and from cirCUlatory diseases.
Source: Comparative call •• Specific Mortality Patt.rnl by Work Area
WIthin .. I IndUltry, DHEW Pub. NIOSH, cau ••• of De ttt Among
Laundry WOrM,., American Journal of Public Health, Vol. 18, No.5,
1878.
al job'
The 10-day limit pressures the
VA contract officer to take the
word of the contractor that a
"best effort" to involve SBDs was
made, which results in less than
satisfactory participaiion, Con
yers said.
THE CONTRACTORS have
insisted that such a plan must be
in writing before the bids are sub
mitted, so the prime contractor
will know what is expected to
guarantee SBD'involvement.
Conyer noted there is no
mechanism to trac the "mean-
ingfulnes or efficacy" of the
SBD participation plan pre ented
by the low bidder.
"One relatively imple option
i to require that the bidders sub
mit to VA a detailed explanation
of their minority bu ines . out
reach efforts and why their plan
i likely to meet or exceed the
20% goal," Conyer told Der
win ki. The Congres man noted
tha t i thout such a plan
developed before the contract is
awarded, it is "unlikel y" a plan to
utilize, minorities can be
developed and executed.
Union. and the Afr/can American Worker
• Three million African Americans-one-quarter
of all African Americans in the workforce-are
_ represented by unions. The only increase in union
Continued next w k
The author is the Outreach Coordinator for the
Labor Minority Outreach Project at Labor Notes,
7435_MichiganAve., Detroit, Ml 48210.
o million ho
•
pi
past ability of the low bidder to
involve minortty contractors
when awarding the bid.
-Devise a plan to provide
bonding and flnancing to SBDs
to allow their participation. Take
into consideration when award
ing the contract, the efforts the
prime contractor i willing to
take to meet the financial needs
of sub-contractors.
-Explore creative ways to
provide acce 'to capital by
minority busines es.
-Enforce the 'liquidated
damages' penal ty which would
require the winning bidder to pay
100% of the amount by which he
fail to meet hi subcontracting
plan.
CONYERS NOTED that two
conferences in Detroit to address
opportunities under the contract
for SOBs ha been a positive
tep.
yers said.
Conyers then Ii ted the things
tha lead him to believe SBD in
vol ement will not meet the 20�
ta et.
He said there wa little contact·
by prime contractor -those
large construction companies
who have finanCing to bid on
uch a large job - with SBDs to
develop rcali tic pI for SBD
participation.
Black con tractors have ex
plained that the project is 0 large
that having financinl to meet
payrolt and procure materials
during a lengthy con truction
project prohibit their participa
tion unles the ealthler, larger
companies write into their plan
teps to address the financing'
problem.
Conyer also echoed the
contractor ' complaint about the
"sealed bid" method of contract
ing.
Conyers explained under the
" ealed bid" method, there are
only 10 days between the bid
opening and the igning of the
contract in which to negotiate
SBD participation.
continued from Page 1
ticipa- tion be enforced.
"Repeatedly we have seen
some of the most important re
quirements in this area ignored
routinely," Conyer reminded
he "has jurisdiction over federal
procurement policy" and that
one of the concerns i that the
mandates requiring SBD par
ticipation be enforced.
"Repeatedly we have een
ome of the most important re
quirements in this area ignored
routinely," Conyer reminded
Derwinski. "1 am anxious to use
all the tools at our dispo aJ to
ensure that does not happen in
Detroit."
To implement the law, Con
yers expec the VA to:
-Devel p a mechanism to
track the efficacy of any plan to
involve SBDs.
-Accept not' necessarily the
lowe t bid, but the next lowe t
bidder with an acceptable SBD
plan, if the SBD participation
plan of the low bid "does not pro
vide the maximum practicable
opportunities for minorities. "
-Take into consideration the
"Y I TH bsence of im-
portant follow-up actions by the
VA, the e actions and the 20�
SOB goal that VA has et for tbe
project may not bear fruit," Con-