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Flaws Of Th e Iran Nuclear Deal
T
declared nuclear work is taking place,
he DJN recently published com-
thus excluding the Parchin military
mentaries by a political scien-
site, where nuclear weapons research
tist and a journalist discussing
has been known to take place.
President Donald Trump’s withdrawal
Worse yet, IAEA inspectors are
from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of
forbidden to inspect any
Action ( JCPOA), commonly
military facilities. This was
known as the Iran Nuclear
confirmed in September 2017
Deal. Neither piece discussed
by Iran Supreme Leader Ali
the serious procedural and
Khamenei’s senior foreign
technical flaws of the JCPOA
affairs adviser, Ali Akbar
that make it a failure in pre-
Velayati, who said, “We have
venting Iran from develop-
never agreed with anybody to
ing and delivering nuclear
let inspectors visit our military
weapons. The agreement is so
sites.”
fundamentally flawed that any Irving W.
To compound the inspec-
attempt to fix it to accomplish Ginsberg, Ph.D.
tion failures, only “declared”
those objectives would be
sites are candidates for inspec-
tantamount to rewriting the
tion — not undeclared sites.
whole agreement.
“Undeclared sites” are sites where
In the rush to obtain a deal, the U.S.
nuclear weapons work is suspected
and its partners did not press Iran
but had not been declared by Iran
to divulge all its past work regarding
nuclear weapons development and the prior to the JCPOA.
Supporters of the deal claimed Iran
sites where the work was being done.
could only delay inspection of an
Without that knowledge, our nego-
undeclared site for 24 days. Not with-
tiators were in the dark about how
advanced Iran was in its weapon devel- standing the fact that a lot of evidence
could be removed or covered up dur-
opment. Thanks to the recent Israeli
ing that time, the claim is misleading.
intelligence coup, we may now know
According to the text of the agreement,
how close Iran had come to building a
the protocol for inspection is much
nuclear weapon and, therefore, what
more complicated. Iran has 24 days
the break-out time can be, with and
to decide to allow inspection. If Iran
without cheating.
There are many failings in the agree- refuses, there is then a 50-day period
during which the joint committee of
ment. A critical one is the lack of
eight parties to the agreement (includ-
stringent inspection and monitoring
procedures. Without them, verification ing Iran) meets and decides if there is
a violation. During that time, Iran can
is impossible. The widely proclaimed
recant and allow inspection — so 24
“Any place — any time” inspections
days has stretched to 74 days.
by IAEA is a myth. Inspection is per-
Let’s look at other serious techni-
mitted only at sites where Iran has
Contributing Writers:
Contributing
Writers:
Ruthan Brodsky,
Rochel Burstyn, Suzanne
Ruthan
Brodsky,
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Suzanne
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Annabel
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Ingber, Allison Jacobs, Barbara
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Ingber,
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Jacobs,
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Jennifer
Lovy, Rabbi
Miller,
Alan Lewis,
Muskovitz,
Lovy,
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Jason
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David
Sachs,
Karen
Schwartz,
Robin Schwartz,
David
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Stein, Karen
Joyce Wiswell
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cal flaws. Centrifuges are the modern
machines used to enrich uranium to
the level required for use in a weapon.
The original call was for Iran to keep
only 500 to 1,500 centrifuges. But the
JCPOA now permits Iran to keep a
staggering 6,104
centrifuges
enriching ura-
nium and to con-
tinue to test a
number of much
more advanced
centrifuges. Iran
also is allowed
to keep operat-
ing its massive
Fordow under-
ground enrich-
ment facility.
The agreement
is flawed with
respect to pro-
duction of pluto-
nium. Plutonium
is an alternative to uranium for con-
structing a nuclear weapon and is pro-
duced in heavy-water reactors. JCPOA
allows Iran to keep its Plutonium-
producing ARAK heavy-water reactor.
The only requirement was to remove
the core and fill it with concrete, but
the extensive infrastructure was left
intact. Iran is permitted to redesign
the ARAK heavy-water reactor so that
it produces less plutonium — but it
still can produce plutonium.
Outrageously, the agreement obli-
gates the U.S. and its partners to help
Iran (the major funder of terrorism)
develop finance, trade and technology.
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And, the U.S. with its partners must
“strengthen Iran’s ability to protect and
respond” to threats against its nuclear
program, including sabotage (like
Stuxnet).
The requirement to restrict Iran
from developing
nuclear-capable
ballistic missiles
was dropped
and put into
U.N. Resolution
2231, which Iran
has ignored. The
result has been
that Iran has
proceeded apace
without suffer-
ing any conse-
quences.
In conclu-
sion, JCPOA is
a lemon. There
are so many fail-
ures that trying
to patch it would be impractical even
if all the parties involved are willing.
Withdrawing from the JCPOA was the
right thing to do. Now the U.S. and its
willing partners must proceed with
severe sanctions until Iran is ready
to agree to a cessation of its nuclear
weapons and ICBM programs. •
Now the U.S. and its
willing partners must
proceed with severe
sanctions until Iran
is ready to agree to a
cessation of its nuclear
weapons and ICBM
programs.
Irving W. Ginsberg, Ph.D., is the retired chief
scientist at the Department of Energy Remote
Sensing Laboratory in Las Vegas, Nev., and a
former member of the U.S. Nuclear Emergency
Response Team (NEST). He lives in Farmington
Hills.
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