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commentary
Preoccupation With ‘Occupation’
D
The debate over territory was impor-
uring the last few decades, the
tant, but had limited effect because as
Palestinian propaganda machine,
Palestinian terrorism and incitement
aided by anti-Israel elements in
continued unabated and after
the international community, has
two more withdrawals — from
created one of the most power-
southern Lebanon in 2000 (which
ful and effective emotional and
empowered Hezbollah), and from
psychological weapons to defeat
the Gaza Strip in 2005 (which
Israel: “End the occupation.”
empowered Hamas) — Israel was
Although it’s a popular mantra,
reluctant to surrender more terri-
few understand what it means.
tory. The “land for peace” mantra
It could refer to what Israel con-
no longer persuaded anyone
quered during the Six-Day War
except ideologues. Even Israelis
in 1967 or what Israel acquired
Moshe Dann
Jerusalem Post
who supported the “two-state
during the War of Independence
solution” were unwilling to make
(1948-49) or everything “from the
further concessions.
river to the sea.”
At first, Arab Palestinian pro-
paganda focused on Israel’s presence in
A SWITCH IN TACTICS
Judea and Samaria (the “West Bank”) as a
During the last decade or so, a new argu-
“violation of international law,” specifical-
ment became prominent, often espoused
ly, the Fourth Geneva Convention as inter- by Israeli Jews and Progressive Jews in
preted by the International Committee
North America who are pro-Israel: “The
of the Red Cross. An anti-Israel, Geneva-
occupation” is not only about territory,
based NGO, the International Committee
but is about “the Palestinian people.”
of the Red Cross was the first to accuse
This shift to a humanitarian argument
Israel of “occupying Palestinian territory,”
is persuasive because it is presented
thus arbitrarily allotting a disputed area
as a moral issue: Israel has no right to
to one side. Because the International
control another people or nation — the
Committee of the Red Cross is also —
Palestinians.
uniquely — an official U.N. agency, its
This portrays Israelis (i.e. Jews) as perse-
decisions are considered authoritative.
cutors and Palestinians as their victims.
After Israel signed the Oslo Accords
Therefore, even if the question of the
with Yasser Arafat ( for the PLO), with-
legality of settlements is conceded, the
drew from Areas A and B, and along with
alleged violation of human rights — the
the international community assisted the
moral issue — remains “the elephant in
Palestinian Authority in developing its
the room.” For example, critics charge
institutional structure, the focus turned
that restricting where Palestinian Arabs
to Israel’s legal and historical claims to
can live, interfering with their daily lives,
Area C, in which all of the “settlements”
and invading their towns and villages,
are located. Experts and pundits debated
violating their civil and human rights,
the issue, but neither side was able to con- constitute “occupation.” Ending that occu-
vince the other.
pation, however, is complicated because
(1) Palestinian terrorists pose a constant
threat, (2) radical Islamists are involved,
and (3) withdrawal from Area C and cre-
ating a Palestinian state would promote
terrorism.
In other words, “ending the occupa-
tion” as a humanitarian and moral issue
cannot be accomplished without mak-
ing territorial concessions and removing
Israeli security control. The link is crucial:
The humanitarian argument is used to
justify and leverage Palestinian demands
for territory and a state. Israel’s rational
and realistic refusal to allow Palestinians
to form an independent state, therefore,
becomes entangled in a moral argument
over the right of self-determination.
The failure to understand the dynamic
relationship between the humanitarian
argument and Palestinian demands for
territory and statehood has paralyzed
Israel’s attempts to justify its claims and
the settlements in Judea and Samaria.
Therefore, Israel is trapped: As long as
it refuses to grant Palestinians a state,
holds on to Area C and maintains its anti-
terrorism activities in Palestinian towns,
it will be accused of “occupation” and
“persecution” of Palestinians. Moreover,
“the occupation” is used to justify terror-
ism and “resistance.” The dilemma has
profound effects.
“End the occupation” suggests an
immediate and direct distinction between
good and evil — and this is where it is
most effective. Regardless of the details,
the mantra creates a psychological deter-
minism that forces an “either-or” decision.
Once the premise that occupation is
evil is accepted, the conclusion is inevi-
table.
That’s why mantras are so powerful:
They don’t require thinking and, in fact,
prevent critical thinking.
It’s also why advertising works: You
hear/see “Coke” and its symbol and you
think “sweet, pleasant, satisfying;” you
don’t think about whether it’s good for
you or not. Similarly, “End the occupation”
means Israel is bad and Palestinians are
victims.
It’s a form of brainwashing that, like an
addiction, alters perception and promotes
rationalizations: Don’t worry; it will be
OK; we’ll be happier, appreciated, loved;
we can control the consequences.
Repeating mantras such as “Settlements
prevent peace” and “Israel is a colonialist,
apartheid state” may make someone feel
empathy and a sense of injustice; whether
or not the story is true is irrelevant.
Finally, “End the occupation” demands
that Israel give up tangible assets (e.g. ter-
ritory) for intangible agreements (such
as diplomatic recognition) that are easily
revocable.
END THE BRAINWASHING
The only way to fight against brainwash-
ing and addictions is to assert self-aware-
ness, critical thinking and a realistic evalu-
ation of the situation.
The most important refutation is that
the first priorities of a state are to pro-
tect its population, preserve its society
and defend its borders. That’s why all
countries have armies, police forces and
prisons.
Since Palestinians and Arabs seek to
destroy Israel, Israel is obligated mor-
ally and practically to defend itself.
Capitulation and surrender to terrorism
are not options.
Second, a Palestinian state west of
continued on page 8
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