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Why Th e “Two-State Solution” Hasn’t Worked … And Can’t

M

First, ending the conflict, ending
uch has been written about
violence and incitement; (2) ending all
the “two-state solution” (TSS)
claims against Israel, abandoning “the
or “two states for two peoples”
Nakba” (the catastrophe, Israel’s
(TSTP) as the path to resolv-
establishment); (3) ending the
ing the conflict between Israel
“Palestinian Right of Return” of
and Arab and Muslim countries
refugees and their descendants
and Arab Palestinians, but
to Israel; (4) shared status of the
there is little understanding of
Temple Mount and Jewish rights
why it consistently fails. It fails
in eastern Jerusalem and the Old
because it is focused on ter-
City; (5) continued IDF presence
ritory, Palestinian statehood,
in the Jordan Valley and other
rather than what prevents that
Moshe Dann
strategic areas; (6) land swaps to
state from working: ideology
include areas of major settlement;
— Palestinian nationalism and
(7) access to all holy sites; and, (8)
Palestinianism, the belief that
recognizing Israel’s right to exist
Jews have no right to a state
as the nation-state of the Jewish
and that Jewish nationalism,
Zionism, is anathema and that Jewish his- people and its historical and religious con-
nection to Eretz Yisrael and the Temple
tory is a fraud.
Mount.
The idea of separating Israeli Jews and
These basic, minimal requirements to
Arab Palestinians into two separate states
advance the “peace process” and state-
is logical, but practically, it involves other
hood were rejected by Palestinian lead-
issues that remain obstacles. Supporting
ers time and again. Supporting the TSS
Palestinian statehood, therefore, without
without including the fundamental ele-
including a resolution of or reference to
ments upon which it rests — and dealing
other problems prevents a rational, com-
with the issues of ideology — renders it
prehensive approach to finding a realistic
irrelevant. Focusing only on territory — a
solution.
state — and Palestinian national self-
The principle behind the TSS/TSTP
determination without a context not only
seems simple. Because Arabs don’t want
distorts the problem, but prevents efforts
to live under Israeli rule and Israelis don’t
to resolve it.
want to rule over them, give them a state
Virulent Palestinian nationalism, or
in all or most of Judea and Samaria (the
more generally, Palestinianism, means
“West Bank”), the Gaza Strip and eastern
only one thing: Kill Jews and destroy
Jerusalem. Jews would be expelled from
the Arab Palestinian state and not permit- the State of Israel. The roots of this
toxic nationalism are found in the Mufti
ted to live there, but Israeli-Arabs would
Haj Amin al-Husseini, who instigated
remain in Israel as citizens. A population
pogroms against innocent Jews in the
transfer/ethnic cleansing would occur in
1920s and 1930s and actively supported
only one state.
the Nazis. His successors in the PLO, led
Granting statehood, however, depends
by Yasser Arafat and Mahmoud Abbas,
on resolving all other issues that were
and Hamas have not deviated from this
included in previous “peace plans” and
path.
agreements such as the Oslo accords:

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Ignoring this reality has led to the death
of thousands. Despite Israeli concessions,
compromises and unilateral withdrawals,
and efforts by the international communi-
ty to end the Arab-Palestinian-Israeli con-
flict based on the TSS, such as the Oslo
accords, “the Road Map” and pressure on
Israel by the Obama administration, noth-
ing worked. Rather than diminish the con-
flict, they made it worse and led to more
terrorism, anti-Semitism and anti-Israel
sentiment throughout the world.
Although Arafat signed the Oslo
accords on behalf of the PLO and was
obligated to remove the clauses in the
Palestinian National Covenant that call
for Israel’s destruction, the PLO/PA and
Hamas continue to promote violence and
seek Israel’s demise. Why do they deserve
a state?
Rather than understand why attempts
to promote Palestinian statehood failed,
and consider alternatives, its supporters
cling to fantasies. Coaxing and bribing
Palestinians to make a deal, however,
always fail because that would mean end-
ing the conflict and accepting Israel — a
betrayal of Palestinianism as expressed in
the PLO and Hamas charters.
Establishing a second Palestinian
state, or third if one includes Hamastan
in the Gaza Strip, would lead to desta-
bilization and increase the chances for
violence between competing entities,
gangs and militias, which could spill over
into Israel. Jordan might seek to expel its
“Palestinian” citizens to the new state. A
power struggle would ensue over who rep-
resents the Palestinians and what consti-
tutes the territorial basis for “Palestinian
national identity.” With Islamist forces
waiting to take advantage of any power
vacuum, the area would plunge into
Somalia-like chaos.

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Joelle Harder
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Not only has the TSS been the basis for
all “peace plans,” its supporters pressure
Israel to prevent Jews from building in
settlements and extending Israeli law to
Area C, which is under full Israeli (mili-
tary) control. The TSS idea also strength-
ens anti-Israel movements, especially BDS
campaigns and political organizations,
such as J Street, that accuse Israel of
“illegally occupying Palestinian territory.”
Accepting the TSS, therefore, concedes
the question of Palestinian statehood as a
given, without negotiations or considering
alternatives.
A Palestinian state west of the Jordan
River is not a realistic or viable option for
the foreseeable future. The alternative is
continuing to develop cooperative work-
ing relationships with Palestinians and
with Jordan, Egypt and other countries
based on humanitarian needs and con-
cerns.
Some have suggested a confederated
Israeli-Palestinian-Jordanian model
— similar to one the PLO approved in
1985 — based on local Palestinian self-
government, minus statehood. This would
offer Arab residents a range of possibilities
rather than dooming them to the corrupt,
autocratic rule of the PA and PLO.
Instead of the TSS trap, the goal should
be to promote opportunity and prosperity
and to ensure the security and stability of
the region. This shifts from form, state-
hood, to content and purpose, from the
hopeless TSS to a hopeful multi-state
solution, which will inspire creativity and
cooperation — the only raison d’etre of
nation-states, the goal of community and
civilization. •

The author is a Ph.D. historian, writer and journal-
ist living in Jerusalem — and a native Detroiter.
This essay first appeared in the Jerusalem Post.

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