oints of view Dr. Gordis from page 57 Community View Nuclear Capitulation Will Lead To Iranian Bomb T he Iran "voluntary" agreement provides a direct path for Iran to get a nuclear bomb and its pro- visions show that a bomb is Iran's intent. The construct of "snapback sanctions" is emasculated by the agreement itself. The Obama administration capitulated on all the red lines that it had estab- lished. Intercontinental Missiles The Iran regime's desire for a bomb was substantiated with Secretary of State John Kerry's last-minute capitulation allowing ICBM technology transfer. The only use for an Intercontinental Ballistic Missile is to carry a nuclear warhead to the United States. Defense Secretary Ashton Carter told the Senate Arms Services Committee, "We want them [the Iranians] to con- tinue to be isolated as a military and limited in terms of the kind of equip- ment material they are able to get ... the `I' in ICBM stands for 'intercontinental, which means having the capability to fly from Iran to the United States, and we don't want that?' Plutonium Bomb The agreement keeps open the path to a plutonium bomb, which requires multi- point detonation. Paragraph 5 on page 146 allows Iranians access to informa- tion they were trying to develop, stating: "Review and approve in advance, upon request by Iran, the design, develop- ment, fabrication, acquisition, or use for non-nuclear purposes of multi-point explosive detonation systems suitable for a nuclear explosive device and explosive diagnostic systems ..." The secret IAEA accords involve the activities at the Parchin military base where Iran is believed to be developing such a trigger for a nuclear bomb. Paragraph 82.1 of Annex 1 states that Iran cannot have software to simulate a nuclear bomb. In 1945, we did not have the luxury of a computer simulation; however, we figured out how to explode the bomb — and now we are going to train them to do it. If Iran is not going to build a bomb, it doesn't need multi- point explosive technology. No Military Base Inspection Iran now claims that military bases are off limits to the IAEA which makes inspections inadequate and begs the question, "What are they hiding?" its heavy-water reactor, and accept more intrusive inspections including daily visits to some facilities. Iran never lived up to the terms of that agreement. So why do we expect anything different now, especially after giving Iran the fro- zen $150 billion? Snapback Ineffective Eugene Greenstein Ph.D. and Irving Ginsberg Ph.D. Heavy Water Reactor The agreement also allows Iran to keep its Arak heavy water reactor. A heavy water reactor is used to produce pluto- nium, as well as medical radioisotopes Iran says it needs. However, a light water reactor can also produce the same radio- isotopes. Therefore, Iran's insistence on keeping Arak and researching multi- point detonation leads to only one ratio- nal conclusion — the plutonium bomb. U.S. Helping Defend Iran The agreement provides for coopera- tion in training Iran to strengthen its ability to protect against and respond to nuclear security threats, including sabo- tage, as well as to enable effective and sustainable nuclear security and physi- cal protection systems. (Note: Secretary of State Kerry would not rule out that these could be used to prevent Israel or the U.S. from attacking Iran's facilities.) Why would Iran need to get our security expertise unless it was doing something nefarious, like building a nuclear weap- on capability? U.S. Helping With Centrifuges Many places in the agreement refer to Iran as a partner in developing advanced nuclear technology, including centrifuge technology. Interestingly, the United States will not give centrifuge technol- ogy to any of the neighboring countries because peaceful nuclear programs do not require the ability to enrich ura- nium. The agreement provides for Iran developing and installing advanced cen- trifuges. In November 2013, the P5+1 signed an agreement with Iran that gave the Iranians approximately $800 mil- lion per month to stop enriching above 5 percent, make inoperable half of its 19,000 centrifuges, not to commission The so-called "snapback sanctions" provide no comfort as the agreement exempts long-term contracts signed prior to the reinstatement of sanctions. This incentivizes massive, immediate economic investment in Iran and less effective sanctions than presently exist. How does the president say that snap- back sanctions are a deterrent? The only remedy to cheating is the ability to put back sanctions which, under this agreement, are signifi- cantly less than the present sanctions. Therefore, the practical effect is that to stop cheating, the United States will be forced to use the military option or excuse/ignore cheating. Thus, Iran col- lects $100 billion-plus to continue to promote terrorism, learns nuclear tech- nology, and then can choose to break the agreement with little to fear. What's The Alternative? This is a bad agreement because it paves the way for a nuclear weapon and deliv- ery system. The alternative is to not lift sanctions and to demand improvements in the agreement. That war is the only alternative is a false narrative. Our economic power is significant, even if the United States needs to act alone. We cannot afford a repeat of 1938 at Munich, where Hitler was given Czechoslovakia in return for "peace:' Eleven months later, Hitler used the superior Czech tanks to invade Poland. A bad agreement such as this one will lead to a military outcome instead of peace. We need Congress to vote "No:' You can help by calling your senators and congress people. ❑ Eugene Greenstein Ph.D. is president of the Zionist Organization of America-Michigan Region; Irving Ginsberg Ph.D. was chief scien- tist at the Department of Energy Laboratory at the Nevada Test Site, a consultant to the Iran hegemony in the Middle East," and suggested that July 14, 2015, may "prove to be one of the darkest days in the region's history, especially for moderate Arab Sunni states and Israel." Moshe Ya'alon, Israel's defense minister, called the deal a "massive betrayal." Indeed, to many Israelis, the Obama administration has become synonymous with betrayal of Israel. Much discussed in this context is Michael Oren's new book, Ally, about his years as Israel's ambassador to the U.S. A meticulous scholar and an understated, elegant diplomat, Oren has unleashed a bit of an uproar by arguing unabash- edly that Obama sold Israel down the river. At one point, he wrote, "Most disturbing for me personally was the realiza- tion that our closest ally had entreated with our deadliest enemy on an existential issue without so much as informing us." That sense of alone-ness, again. On the Times of Israel that morning, four headlines appeared: "Netanyahu on Iran deal: The more you read it, the worse it gets" was fol- lowed by "Former Auschwitz guard indicted as accessory to murder." Just under that was "Daughter badly hurt as Paris Jewish family attacked at home," and, finally, there was "U.S. presents draft Iran resolution to Security Council." The proximity of those articles on the Iran deal, the Holocaust and Europe's resurging anti- Semitism reflects the senti- ment here that not enough has changed in 70 years. That video our son sent of Israeli soldiers marching som- berly through the Polish for- est spoke volumes this week. True, Israelis can now defend ourselves. But our ability to do so was just significantly curtailed. In ways more harrow- ing than we might once have imagined, we know we are still surrounded. And increasingly, it feels like we are once again alone. ❑ defense and intelligence communities and to the Department of Justice and a former Dr. Daniel Gordis is senior vice member of the Nuclear Emergency Search president and senior fellow at the Team. Shalem Center, a Jerusalem research institute. 58 August 13 • 2015 JIN