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Guest Column

Editorial

Biden Backing

Flotilla Raid Mishandled
But Israel's Intent Noble

Vice president punctuates Israel's
right and need to protect its fate.

W

ere I an Israeli, were I a Jew, I
would not contract out my secu-
rity to anybody, even a loyal,
loyal, loyal friend like the United States."
That was probably one of the most apo-
litical, remarkable, candid and prescient
statements ever made by a world leader
regarding Israel's need to make its own
decisions involving security.
It came from Vice President Joe Biden,
and once again he "upstaged" the president,
as he did on the same-sex marriage issue
because Barack Obama certainly does not
share the vice president's view that Israel
alone must make its security decisions.
Indeed, Obama has pressured Israel on
restraint, trying to assure the Jewish state
that he has "its back." But Biden under-
stands no one but Israel can protect its
back.
Despite the statement's policy implica-
tions, Biden's comments slipped under
the news media's radar. Why? Who knows,
given the vagaries of the media in
deciding what is news.
Whatever the reasons, Biden's
candor in a speech in early May
to the Rabbinical Assembly, the
international umbrella represent-
ing Conservative rabbis, is not
only to be commended, but it
should be required reading for all
those involved in having a hand
in formulating Middle East poli-
cies, particularly vocal critics of
Israel.
It is not up to the United States, United
Nations, J Street or the pundits sitting in
comfortable offices at the New York Times.
The only one responsible for Israel's secu-
rity and its survival must be Israel and no
one else.

Staying Vigilant

When President Kennedy, in the early
1960s, advised restraint on the part of
Israel during a crisis, assuring then-Foreign
Minister Golda Meir that if Israel's security
were at risk, the U.S. would come to its
assistance, Meir replied that by the time the
U.S. came, Israel might no longer exist.
That is true more than ever given the
potential nuclear threat from Iran. It
already has pledged, time and again, to
wipe Israel off the map.
Biden said that Israel could decide to
launch an attack if it determined that Iran's
nuclear capabilities had reached a point

"Biden
understands o'
no one but
Israel can
protect its
Vice President Biden
back."

of being able to produce highly enriched
uranium in bomb-grade levels, or if Iran's
efforts to take its nuclear operations under-
ground into impregnable sites were nearing
fruition.
The decision, to state the obvious, is a
difficult, sensitive one because there is
no room for error. Should Israel misjudge
the threat, the consequences are almost
unimaginable.
That is what makes the criti-
cism and political pressure from
those urging "restraint" so dam-
nable frustrating. They are not
privy to all the information that
surely the Israelis are analyzing
before making a final decision,
nor do they seem to understand
that nothing less than Israel's
survival is at stake.
Moreover, the critics seem to
imply that the arguments within
the Israeli government whether
to launch a military strike against Iran are
being debated purely in political terms.
They do not seem to give any credence
to the possibility that Prime Minister
Benjamin Netanyahu's cabinet might be
discussing substantive issues as they relate
to preemptive military action against Iran.
To be sure, "experts," many with impres-
sive credentials, have spoken out on both
sides of the issue. But how does one decide
who is right? Would any of the critics who
argue for restraint want the responsibility
of making the decision? Would they want to
be the one to vote "no" and then suffer the
consequences if they are wrong?
The central problem is that the critics
are the ones who debate the issue strictly
in political terms because they have no
firsthand information on the nuclear threat.
For instance, how do critics justify pres-
suring officeholders to pressure Israel on

Biden Backing on page 26

ust before stepping down, a
high-ranking Israeli official
released a report critical of
the government's 2010 handling of
the Mavi Marmara, part of an illegal
six-vessel flotilla ostensibly seeking
to bring humanitarian supplies to
Gaza, but clearly intending to bust
the Jewish state's maritime blockade
on the Hamas-controlled Palestinian
Micha Lindenstrauss
territory.
The June 13 report, by outgoing
state comptroller Micha Lindenstrauss, found that Prime Minister
Benjamin Netanyahu's decision-making was flawed and that the
strategy failed to follow the recommended protocol. In the midst
of holding Netanyahu and other government decision makers
accountable, it's important to underscore Israel's commitment to
securing land passageways for the legitimate delivery of humani-
tarian supplies to the Gaza people, who suffer primarily because
Hamas doesn't want them to get too comfortable and lose their
hatred for Zionism and the West. Know that any critical-needs
instability in Gaza is the fault of Hamas. The Consulate General of
Israel assures that Israel and international organizations, including
the United Nations, move thousands of edibles, goods and equip-
ment into Gaza every day. Israel hasn't allowed fuel and electricity
needs in Gaza to lapse. And hundreds of Gazans get medical treat-
ment in Israel — their government's archenemy.
Days before the flotilla sailed toward Gaza on May 31, Israel
publicly offered to inspect and then transfer the aid that was on
board. It appealed to the convoys to dock at the Israeli port of
Ashdod so the supplies could be delivered over land through des-
ignated crossings after being checked for dangerous materials,
including concrete for bunkers. The flotilla rejected the offer. When
Israel intercepted the boats to escort them to Ashdod, all but
one acquiesced. Israeli forces were beaten with lead pipes, knives
and pistols furnished by IHH, a Turkish group with proven ties to
Hamas and Al Qaida. Israeli forces shot and killed nine attacking
resisters, all Turkish nationals, including a Turkish-American man;
several Israeli fighters were hurt.
The state comptroller's report held that key Israeli agencies
were not told about plans to intercept the flotilla and that the pos-
sibility of violence by Marmara passengers was ignored by Defense
Minister Ehud Barak. Further, Israel did not properly document
discussions surrounding action against the flotilla or the decisions
that eventually came down. The damning findings punctuate that
democracy works in Israel and that the state has a process for
independent oversight.
Israel's government-appointed Turkel Commission held in its
probe that the government and the military acted appropriately and
that the blockade of Gaza was legal. The United Nations' Palmer
Committee also found the blockade to be legal under international
law, but ruled that Israel used excessive force aboard the ship.
Predictably, Turkey branded the blockade and raid illegal — and
has demanded that Israel apologize and provide compensation for
the raid as well as lift the blockade. Once friendly Israeli-Turkish
relations have turned ice cold.
Yes, Israel must learn from the flaws in planning and coordina-
tion to avert a repeat of the mayhem. But clearly the flotilla inter-
ception was necessary to prevent smuggled weapons from reach-
ing Gaza terrorists. It's no secret that weapons smuggled into
Gaza — including rockets and guns — often have been used against
Israeli civilians. C

j

June 28. 2012

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