Editor's Letter
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Defanging Iran
I
knew Iran was a global menace, but if I had doubts
about the enormity, they were dashed by visiting experts
whom I respect.
On June 24, I sat in on a Jewish Community Relations
Council-hosted discussion led by Jonathan Miller, senior dep-
uty director general of the Jerusalem-based Israeli Ministry
of Foreign Affairs' Department for
Non-Proliferation, and Ofer Moreno,
the department's deputy director.
Two days later, I had breakfast with
Josh Block, the director of strategic
communications and spokesman for
the American Israel Public Affairs
Committee in Washington, D.C.
The common theme was that Iran
has real nuclear potential and that it
churns the instability in the Middle
East. The Persian nation is develop-
ing long-range ballistic missiles. It is
striving to trigger a new world order
intended to neutralize America as a super power and immu-
nize itself and its proxies from security breakdowns.
And it remains a danger to Israel. No wonder it's top of
mind for President Obama although I'm skeptical that his
diplomacy alone will solve Iran's nuclear pursuit. I'd prefer
that he create an international coalition capable of imposing
crippling sanctions.
In no uncertain terms, the Metro Detroit visitors affirmed
that Americans, especially the Jewish community, must urge
U.S. leaders to remind the world about the danger of a nucle-
ar-armed Iran. We can't be dismissive when such a danger
would disrupt the world order, prompting nuclear prolifera-
tion in the Middle East while fundamentally changing the
strategic balance of the embattled region. Moderate regimes
would be toppled. Israel's fragile peace with Egypt and Jordan
would be worthless. Western energy security would dissolve.
Take Iran Seriously
Iran's public face is President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, a rac-
ist, Holocaust denier and anti-Zionist. He leads a sovereign
nation with biblical roots, not a Third World backwater. So the
Islamic Republic's role as an archenemy of Israel and the West
is unquestioned.
Don't be fooled by Iran's claim that it harbors enmity
toward the Jewish state only, not the Jewish people. Yes, 25,000
Jews live in relative calm among the 25 million Iranians. But
that's a strategic ploy ordered by the ruling mullahs. Before
the Islamic revolution of 1979, Iran was home to more than
50,000 Jews; thousands have fled. While the Jewish commu-
nity may be openly religious, it's not openly Zionist; as such, it
avoids a political confrontation it can't win.
Powerful as it seems to be, Iran isn't working alone.
Hezbollah, based in Lebanon to Israel's north, Hamas, which
governs the Gaza Strip to Israel's west, and Syria, on Israel's
northeastern border, all are terrorist proxies.
Unless deterred, Iran will produce a nuclear bomb that
would reach Israel and parts of Europe — although pre-
cisely when is subject to debate. In direct violation of several
United Nations resolutions, Iran continues to generate nuclear
enrichment and technological warhead advances, both vital to
offensive atomic capability.
Iran's might derives from the spread of Islamic fundamen-
talism, which also has roots in Lebanon, Gaza, Iraq, Syria,
Egypt, Jordan and Afghanistan. Behind this force are the
region's corrupt, repressive regimes that cannot provide jobs,
or hope, for the masses of poor people.
The civilized world must stay aware of who will control the
Iranian levers of atomic power: the Revolutionary Guard. The
Guard works with Iranian mullahs led by Supreme Leader
Ayatollah Ali Khamenei to strengthen the revolution through
enforcement of Islamic codes and morals. The black-robed
leadership wouldn't flinch sacrificing Iranian lives in Allah's
name if they could realize Ahmadinejad's vow to destroy
Israel; Israel's military superiority would be at a distinct dis-
advantage in such a firefight.
Power Of Sanctions
Israel is 8,000 square miles and has 7.4 million residents.
Seventy percent of its 5.5 million Jews live in four cities:
Jerusalem, Haifa, Tel Aviv and Beersheva. One atomic bomb
hitting Tel Aviv could take out up to 500,000 people.
America and other major powers like the European Union,
Russia and China are in the best position to spur tougher
economic, travel and trade sanctions — the only nonmili-
tary option to slowing Iran's nuclear march. Iran already has
rejected cooperation or compromise.
So let's move the option of not buying Iranian oil front and
center. That would echo through the Central Bank of Iran; oil
revenues account for 80 percent of Iran's total export earn-
ings and 40 percent of the government budget. Limiting Iran's
ability to import refined petroleum products, which yield
40 percent of the nation's gasoline and diesel fuel, would be
effective as well. Clearly, stronger sanctions on businesses
that underwrite Iran's energy and military sectors would be
potent. United Nations Security Council sanctions are in place
but apparently paper tigers.
Splintering its financial timbers would make Iran more
vulnerable to the growing chorus of governments, including
moderate Arab nations, demanding the end to Iranian nuclear
ambitions.
Stay On Alert
The trio of experts I met a few weeks ago underlined the
diplomatic challenges ahead, not the least of which is main-
taining economic pressure as Obama courts Iranian power
brokers. If the courtship fails, an Obama-backed international
coalition must bolt dramatic sanctions onto Tehran and let it
be known that only full compliance would bring exoneration.
We can't settle for anything less.
Obama says he's prepared to heighten the stakes against
Tehran, a complicated theocracy with different power cen-
ters. The American people must assure that he and Congress
don't lose their offensive edge. Hardened U.S. resolve will
bolster the global battle against the grand plan to chisel
a new model that would position Tehran at the top of the
world order. ❑
0 •
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CC Can a nuclear Iran really be averted?
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What is the right blend of sanctions?
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