-.A IS ONE OFTHE BEST;CARRY OUT ONLY RESTAURANTS IN. AMERICA! about the potential for coercion in such school prayer. Rehnquist's opinions made uncom- fortable the large majority of the American Jewish community that seeks a strong wall separating church and state. Orthodox groups often took the alternative view, seeking increased governmental support and funding for religion. Even among -the Orthodox, howev- er, Rehnquist had a mixed record. He believed religion should not get any special treatment, either positive or negative. Free exercise protections were limited under Rehnquist, requir- ing religious-liberty advocates to seek congressionally mandated protections for areas like prison accommodations and land use. "You've got this mixed verdict," said Nathan Lewin, the counsel for the National Jewish Coalition on Law and Public Affairs, an Orthodox group. "Jewish groups have been able to operate better in terms of estab- lishment-clause constraints, but the harm that the Rehnquist court has done to the free-exercise clause is )) enormous. Rehnquist wrote the 1986 majority opinion that found an Orthodox rabbi in the Air Force could be denied the right to wear a yarmulke. "I think he had less sensitivity to the religious needs of minorities than other jus- tices," said Lewin, who argued for the rabbi, Simcha Goldman, in the case. In 1990, Rehnquist joined Justice Antonin Scalia in a ruling against two Native Americans who sought unem- ployment compensation after being fired from their jobs for smoking pey- ote as part of a religious ceremony. The court found religious beliefs do not excuse people from compliance with a valid law. The majority opinion said allowing exceptions for laws that affect religion would require exemp- tions for most civic obligations, from compulsory military service to pay- ment of taxes. "We've been in very different terri- tory since," Saperstein said. We have a long way to go to get back to where we were. The ruling was widely criticized in Washington, and Congress passed the Religious Freedom Restoration Act in 1993, with support from Jewish groups. The law said government could not burden religious exercise without a compelling government interest. The court found the act unconstitutional in 1997, saying Congress could not enact legislation that infringed on states' rights. A narrower law, the Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act, passed Congress in 2000. The Supreme Court upheld one aspect of the new law, which allowed for greater religious accommodations for prisons earlier this year. The second part, requiring a compelling reason for gov- ernment to deny religious organiza- tions reasonable land use, may also be challenged in the future. Rehnquist was first nominated to the Supreme Court in 1971 by President Richard Nixon. He was ele- vated to chief justice in 1986 by - President Ronald Reagan. Many expected the Rehnquist court to overturn the legal right to an abor- tion. That never happened, but Saperstein said Rehnquist "prevailed around the margins" by approving waiting periods and parental notifica- tions for abortion. "It's done a remarkable amount of what it was expected to do," Douglas Laycock, a religious liberty scholar at the University of Texas School of Law, said of the court. That includes restricting habeas corpus review for prisoners, upholding the death penal- ty and creating obstacles to federal civil rights cases. But, Laycock said, it will likely be best remembered for rulings that bucked the conservative trend. That includes the 2003 rulings that decrim- inalized sodomy and legalized the concept of affirmative action. Rehnquist himself took positions against both reforms. He did, howev- er, write the majority opinion in 1993 that found increased penalties for hate crimes constitutional. The court will also be remembered for its affirmation in 2000 of Bush's win in Florida and of the presidency. Rehnquist wrote that much-analyzed opinion, which seemed to contradict his decades of service to states rights in its quashing of decisions by Florida's Supreme Court. Rehnquist also presided over the Senate impeachment trial of President Bill Clinton in 1999. Supreme Court scholars said Rehnquist was not openly devout and that he was not driven by a social agenda. Instead, they said, he was motivated by a belief in states' rights. "He seemed to be very deferential in religion areas to allowing the gov- ernment to regulate as it wishes," said Green, a professor at the Willamette University College of Law in Oregon. 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