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ambitious project that was
meant to bring recognition from
the entire Arab world in return
for most of the territory cap-
tured in the Six-Day War and
the establishment of a
Palestinian state.
Twelve years later, however,
many Israelis have come to
believe that Rabin was naive in
rehabilitating Arafat as a poten-
tial peace partner and even
arming him, without clear evi-
dence that he had abandoned
terrorism.
Charles H. Keys, GSA*
President
* Certified Senior Advisor
Long Term Care Specialist
39555 Orchard Hill Place, Ste 430
Novi, MI 48375
office: (248) 347-7032
fax: (248) 347-7035
info@kbia-inc.com
www.kbia-inc.com
959640
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Oslo To Road Map
Many now see Oslo as a careless-
ly negotiated process that, in ret-
rospect, raises questions about
Rabin's reputation for clear
strategic thinking — though it's
not clear how Rabin would have
proceeded had he lived to see the
peace process unravel.
Oslo's collapse nearly five years ago
brought Sharon to power. His man-
date was to crush the armed
Palestinian uprising and try a more
careful approach to peace that Israelis
could live with and Palestinians could-
n't abuse.
When the "road map" peace plan
was formulated, for example, Sharon
insisted that — unlike Oslo — it be
performance-based, meaning that the
process would not advance from stage
to stage if the Palestinians failed to
keep their commitments.
But the unilateral withdrawal from
Gaza and the northern West Bank is
the main thrust of Sharon's
approach, and how it turns out will
to a large extent determine how he's
remembered.
Sharon's career so far has had many
defining moments: the young officer
who created Israel's first elite comman-
do unit, on which much of the Israel
Defense Forces' fighting doctrine is
modeled; the silver-haired general, his
head bandaged, crossing the Suez
Canal and turning the tide in the
1973 Yom Kippur War; the hero
turned villain who, as defense minis-
ter, misled Begin in the Lebanon War
and was forced to resign in disgrace
after Israel's Lebanese Christian allies
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Ariel Sharon will be remembered as the
Israeli leader who did the most to build
settlements and then, when he became
prime minister, tore them down.
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massacred Palestinians in refugee
camps; the inveterate builder of settle-
ments.
Up to this point, Sharon's political
philosophy has been based on peace
through projection of power. The cur-
rent withdrawal is an attempt to
marry power — Israel has tired of
waiting for a Palestinian partner and
now is setting the agenda unilaterally
— to the return of land to spark a
future peace process.
If it works, Sharon will go down in
history as an Israeli de Gaulle, a right-
wing general who rolled back an
untenable occupation when the cost in
soldiers' lives and international oppro-
brium became too high. In Sharon's
case, he also will be praised for solving
Israel's demographic problem by
paving the way for a smaller Israel
with an undisputed Jewish majority.
If it fails, however, and instead of a
new peace process Israel gets more and
worse terrorism, Sharon will be seen as
a gambler who gave in to domestic
and international pressure — and lost.
The stakes for Sharon and his place
in history are high.
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8/25
2005
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