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Another Sting

In August, Franklin — still without
legal representation — was directed
by his FBI handlers to launch a sting
against Chalabi's Washington-based
political adviser, Francis Brooke.
At the time, Washington intelli-
gence circles were accusing Chalabi
of passing sensitive American intelli-
gence code-breaking information to
Iranian intelligence. The charges
against Chalabi have since fallen
from view.
Brooke, a southerner who lives in
a Washington-area home owned by
Chalabi, took the August call from
Franklin on the kitchen phone.
"Franklin said, 'You have a real
problem on your hands with Iran
and Chalabi."' Brooke dismissed the
information.
"So Larry says, 'I am talking to a
bunch of media people and I can
spin this — but you need to level
with me to get this straight.' This
was not very much like Larry,"
Brooke recalled, "and I just said,
`There is nothing to spin.'"
Brooke dismissed the entire effort
as a CIA vendetta against Chalabi.
Franklin has refused to comment.
In August, Franklin was directed
by the FBI to call Ciralsky, who by
this time had moved from CBS to
NBC, where he was working on
security developments in Iran.
Franklin tried to set up a meeting
with Ciralsky, but it never occurred.
On Aug. 27, the FBI's raids against
AIPAC were leaked to CBS.
Franklin's actions were now public.
Before joining CBS, Ciralsky was
working as an attorney for the CIA,
but was allegedly forced out in 1999
during an inquiry into his family
background and his Jewish affilia-
tions. Ciralsky filed a harassment
lawsuit against the CIA that is still
pending.
The man who supervised much of
the CIA investigation of Ciralsky
and then the FBI's investigation of
Franklin was Szady.

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More On Szady

Critics of the current investigation
point to Szady's involvement to raise
questions about a larger agenda. One
question involves the media; since
Ciralsky is now a reporter with
NBC, some critics raise the specter

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of Szady's FBI counterintelligence
division consciously trying to entrap
a member of the media engaged in
routinely contacting sources.
One source with direct knowledge
of Franklin's stings said it amounted
to an "enemies list." Ciralsky has
refused to comment.
FBI officials refuse to discuss the
Franklin stings. The bureau also
refused to respond to questions
about whether members of the
media — including those at CBS,
NBC and even this reporter — are
under surveillance as part of their
investigation.
Some Washington insiders believe
the FBI's multiple stings represent a
"war" between the counterintelli-
gence community and policymakers,
especially neocons.
One key insider explained the war
this way: "It is two diametrically
opposed ways of thinking. The neo-
cons have an interventionist mind-
set, willing to ally with anyone to
defeat world terrorism, and they see
the intelligence community as too
passive.
"The intelligence community sees
the neocons as wild men willing to
champion any foreign source — no
matter how specious — if it suits
their ideology."
Said leading neoconservative
Michael Rubin of the American
Enterprise Institute, "It involves
both the right and the left of the
intelligence community. It is a war
about policy, the point being, the
CIA must not be involved in policy.
"The CIA's role is to provide intel-
ligence and let the policymakers
decide what to do with it, and it
appears they are not sticking to that
role — and that is a dangerous situa-
tion. This is the politicizing of intel-
ligence."
Rubin said the sting effort "against
AIPAC is the culmination of a 20-
year witch hunt from a small corps
within the counterintelligence com-
munity" that Rubin labeled "con-
spiracy theorists."
One neoconservative at the center
of the counterintelligence war said:
"This is just the beginning. Nobody
knows where this war is going." 0

Edwin Black is the author of "IBM

and the Holocaust" (Crown, 2001).
This article first appeared in the
Forward.

