Compromised By Terror
Boston
n exchange for a withdrawal of
U.S. and British troops, Saddam
Hussein sends word that he is pre-
pared to share some of his power
with a senior member of his Baathist
inner circle.
Instead of maintaining absolute con-
trol over the Iraqi state, Saddam agrees
to name Tariq Aziz his official deputy.
The job will carry some limited authori-
ty, such as the right to appoint cabinet
members without Saddam's prior
approval. But Aziz will hold office at
Saddam's pleasure. He will not be in
control of the country's foreign or mili-
tary affairs, and the Iraqi security forces
will continue to take their orders from
Saddam.
Sound like a good deal? Like the kind
of democratic "regime change" that
I
Jeff Jacoby is a columnist for the Boston
Globe, which has a copyright to this col-
umn: His e-mail address is
jacoby@globe.com
George W. Bush and Tony Blair would
gladly embrace? Of course it doesn't.
Any arrangement that left Saddam or his
henchmen in control would be an igno-
minious defeat for the allies and a
shameful betrayal of the Iraqi people.
Whatever else regime change in
Baghdad entails, at a minimum it must
sweep the dictator and his accomplices
from power.
Why should it do any less in
Ramallah?
In a signal address last June, Bush .
called for a radical transformation of the
Palestinian Authority. "Peace requires a
new and different Palestinian leader-
ship," he said, vowing that the United
States would not support statehood for
the Palestinians until they had "new
leaders, leaders not compromised by ter-
ror," and had built "a practicing democ-
racy, based on tolerance and liberty." It
was a demand for regime change in all
but name, and its meaning was crystal-
clear: Yasser Arafat and his accomplices
had to be swept from power.
Iraq War Risks For Joe
Washington, D. C.
or the Democratic presidential
contenders, the war in Iraq
offers opportunity, risk and
uncertainty. For Sen. Joe
Lieberman, D-Conn., an early front-
runner and Iraq war supporter, the latter
two possibilities loom especially large as
the realities of the conflict come home
to the American public.
Lieberman started the race with envi-
able advantages, including high name
recognition and favorable poll numbers.
But the contest is now crowded with
more than a dozen declared and likely
contenders, from proven leaders to
ambitious demagogues. Lieberman, who
belongs to the former group, is anything
but a shoo-in.
Lieberman brings some impressive
strengths to the contest — and some
potential weaknesses that could be exac-
erbated by the current Mideast conflict.
Here are a handful of both:
• Iraq: The U.S. effort to topple
Saddam Hussein can be a plus for
President Bush and a minus for all the
Democrats if it is successful, quick and
relatively cost free, from an American
perspective. But with the war just two
weeks old, many analysts are saying that
r
James D. Besser is a Washington
correspondent. His e-mail address is
jbesser@att.net
is increasingly unlikely.
If the war turns sour, it could become
a huge liability for the president. Several
candidates, including former Gen.
Wesley Clark, Sen. John Kerry, D-Mass.,
Rep. Dennis Kucinich, D-Ohio, and
former Vermont Gov. Howard Dean,
have positioned themselves as critics of
the war or the way it is being conduct-
ed.
Joe Lieberman didn't just support last
year's war-powers- resolution in
Congress; he was the lead Democratic
sponsor. Although he has criticized the
administration's pre-war diplomacy, he
has not hedged his support for military
action.
If the war goes well, Bush will be the
primary beneficiary; if it goes badly, it
will be those Democrats who were
strongest in their opposition who could
get a political boost.
Lieberman's status as the top
Democratic Iraq hawk puts him in a
"very risky position," said presidential
historian Allan J. Lichtman. "There's
overwhelming support among
Republicans (for the war), mixed sup-
port from independents — and strong
opposition from Democrats. So
Lieberman could be in a precarious posi-
tion entering the Democratic primaries."
• Security: In a nation that feels an
unprecedented vulnerability, President
Bush starts with a big advantage. Most
Yet when Arafat recently
spoken critic of the 29-month-
named Mahmoud Abbas — his
old uprising." A few days later,
longtime confederate in the
his colleague Karin Laub identi-
Fatah and PLO terrorist organi-
fied the new prime minister as a
zations — as the new
pragmatist and moderate,"
Palestinian prime minister, the
describing his appointment as
Bush administration was all
"the first real promise of ending
smiles. "We respond favorably
the bloody Israeli-Palestinian
to it," beamed Secretary of State
deadlock."
JE FF
Colin Powell. "This, I think, is
But Abbas is no more a
JAC OBY
a positive step forward."
"moderate" than Tariq Aziz, and
Spe cial
National Security Assistant
notwithstanding his reputation
Comm entary
Condoleeza Rice said Abbas
as an "advocate of peace," he
would be welcome at the White House.
calls openly for violence against Jews.
Neither seemed to care that Arafat
Stories about Abbas routinely mention
remained firmly in place atop the
that he is known by the nom de guerre
Palestinian Authority, that Abbas' new
"Abu Mazen." Few if any remarks on the
powers would be sharply limited, or that
anomaly of a supposed peacemaker
a P.A. headed by Arafat and Abbas was
using a nom de guerre. Fewer still have
the furthest thing imaginable from "new
noted that as recently as four weeks ago,
leaders, leaders not compromised by ter-
Abbas made it clear that he does not
ror."
support an end to the terror war against
The press was upbeat, too. Abbas,
Israel.
reported Ibrahim Hazboun in a widely
Discussing the PLO's recent terror
reprinted AP story, "is a veteran advocate summit in Cairo with Hamas and
of peace with Israel and the most-out-
JACOBY on page 38
"
Americans approved of his
suggest ways of maintaining
response to Sept. 11, and a
critical government programs
majority continues to support
and increasing security without
his handling of the anti-terror
breaking the bank.
war. But new terrorism in this
• Israel: To say Lieberman
country or against.American
must walk a tightrope on this
interests abroad could dramati-
issue could be the understate-
cally reduce that advantage.
ment of the decade.
Joe Lieberman has a strong
Pro-Israel hawks and doves
JAM ES D.
track record on terrorism and
each complain he is too close to
BES SER
security. That gives him the
the other camp. The hardliners
Spe cial
credibility to challenge the pres-
Comm entary say he is already bending over
ident's performance on security
backward to prove that he can
without suggesting a return to
be fair when it comes to U.S.
the failed policies of the past.
Mideast policy; the doves complain that
New terror attacks in this country
he has not criticized the tough policies
could shift the public focus from Iraq to
of the current Israeli government.
homeland security — a possible plus for
The war in Iraq makes the Israel fac-
Lieberman.
tor even more complicated for the first
• The Economy: Traditionally, the
serious Jewish presidential candidate.
state of the economy is the biggest factor Many in the emerging anti-war move-
shaping the reelection of a sitting presi-
ment and some in Lieberman's own
dent — a lesson Bush's father learned
party say the war is being fought to serve
the hard way when his Gulf War tri-
Israel's interests.
umph disappeared in a cloud of bad
Lieberman's record is consistent; he
economic numbers.
believes strong action against terror
All of the Democratic candidates will
nations is a vital U.S. interest. But the
hammer on the theme that the Bush
outrageous charge that he is more inter-
policies, including the big 2001 tax cut,
ested in Israel's welfare is almost certain
turned a big federal surplus into a bot-
to surface during the campaign, especial-
tomless deficit and is forcing big cuts in
ly if the war doesn't go the way the
popular social programs.
administration hopes, and he will have
Lieberman, who voted against the
to find ways to address it.
2001 tax cuts, has credibility as a
Other Democratic candidates can dis-
Democratic centrist who won't just
pose of Mideast policy during the cam-
argue for a return to the big-spending
paign with the usual broad-brush posi-
policies of the past. He may be better
tion papers; Lieberman will be pressed
equipped than his Democratic rivals to
relentlessly on the issue. ❑
4/ 4
2003
37