Analysis Two Faces Israelis debate regional picture of Middle East without Saddam Hussein. LESLIE SUSSER Jewish Telegraphic Agency Jerusalem 1111 1 ill a post-Saddam Middle East herald a new promise of regional peke or dire consequences for the Jewish state? As the anticipated American show- down with Iraq nears, the Israeli defense establishment is sounding increasingly optimistic about the outcome. Not only will war on Saddam Hussein remove a potential nuclear, biological and chemical threat to Israel, they say, it will also open up possibilities for peace with the Palestinians, the Lebanese and possibly even the Syrians. Skeptics, however, warn that America's grand plans for the Middle East might prove to be overly ambi- tious and, if the United States bogs down trying to do too much, the results for Israel could be disastrous. And even if things don't go badly wrong, the skep- tics say, the end result of U.S. military action could be far less dramatic than Israel's leaders hope. The debate is significant as Israelis grapple not only with the immediate implications of a war against Iraq, including the possibility that such a war could prompt attacks against Israel itself, but the long-term impact as well. , The most upbeat assessment of the future so far has come from Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's national security adviser Ephraim Halevy. Rosy Picture In a Feb. 9 address at the Munich Conference on Security Policy, the former Mossad chief spoke of "shock waves" from a post-Saddam Baghdad that would have "wide-ranging effects in Teheran, Damascus and Ramallah." He also envisions a post-Yasser Arafat Palestinian leadership negotiating in good faith with Israel, a pro- gressive and prosperous Iraq rejoining the family of nations, and Syria, no longer feeling a need to com- pete with Iraq, loosening its ties with Iran. This, in turn, Halevy said, could lead to a weaken- ing of the Iranian hold in southern Lebanon, a Syrian withdrawal from Lebanon, the disarmament of Hezbollah and an eventual peace agreement between Lebanon and Israel. "Syria could feel comfortable in allowing Lebanon true freedom, withdrawing the 30,000-odd Syrian sol- diers from Lebanese territory and opening an embassy in Beirut for the very first time since Lebanon's inde- pendence," Halevy said. "The departure of Syrian and Iranian forces from Lebanese soil, accompanied by the disarmament of Hezbollah, could enable Lebanon to make peace with Israel." Halevy is not the only top Israeli security official to speak in such an optimistic vein. The Israel Defense Forces' chief of staff, Lt. Gen. Moshe Ydalon, foresees a "regional earthquake" creating a "new regional order" and predicted the end of the Palestinian intifada (uprising). "Remember," he said in an interview in Yediot Achronot, "the last Palestinian intifada ended in 1991, with the last Gulf War." Amos Gilad, Israel's newly appointed "national com- mentator" on the war with Iraq, called the imminent American strike a "miracle." But how likely is the anticipated American attack to have the kind of impact Israeli leaders are hoping for? Bleak Forecast ed with the population throwing rice and flowers, and ended with Hezbollah." Even the skeptics don't deny that taking out Saddam and his weapons of mass destruction would be a major strategic boon for Israel. But they would like to see the United States move out of Iraq as soon as the job is done. Moreover, they don't deny that a regime change in Iraq could put considerable pressure on the Palestinians to move forward in negotiations with Israel. Indeed, many Israeli aria- , lysts believe Palestinian efforts to re-engage Israel in cease-fire and peace talks and to establish a more pragmatic leadership stem from a fear of being steamrollered by the United States and Israel in a post-Saddam Middle East. eg Among the skeptics is Maj. Gen. Ydakov Amidror, a former head of army intelligence research, on retirement leave from the IDF, Role Of Arafat and just back from a stint in the The key, American, European and United States as a fellow at the Israeli leaders believe, is whether Washington Institute for Near Arafat, the Palestinian Authority East Policy. leader, steps aside. But some Although a hawk, Amidror Israeli officials are brushing aside argues that American plans for Arafat's Feb..14 promise to remaking the Middle East appoint a prime minister who through a war in Iraq may be too would assume most of the day-to- optimistic and fail to achieve the U.N. weapons inspectors pass by a day operations of the Palestinian hoped-for results. In particular, he portrait of Iraqi President Saddam Authority. is skeptical about American plans They 'point out that although to democratize Iraq and through a Hussein in his hometown of Tikrit. the new Palestinian Constitution ripple effect based on a successful provides for the appointment of a Iraqi model, democratize the prime minister, it leaves most of the key powers in the Middle East as a whole. hands of Arafat, who would still have the final say on The deep, underlying goal of the American move against Iraq, Amidror says, is to neutralize global terror foreign policy and remain the commander in chief of the Palestinian armed forces. With Arafat still at the by turning the Middle East, the region where it flour- helm, skeptics like Amidror say, nothing will go for- ishes, into a conglomeration of more open, Western- oriented societies in which Al Qaida-style terror would ward even after Saddam is removed from power in Baghdad. have no breeding ground. Similarly, Amidror questions Halevy's vision of But this grand scheme, Amidror argues, is unlikely quick progress in a post-Saddam era on Israel's north- to succeed, and its failure could exacerbate tensions ern border, with Syria, Lebanon and Hezbollah. between the Arab world and the United States — and, "Why should toppling Saddam weaken ties between by extension, between the Arab world and Israel. Syria and Iran, their presence in southern Lebanon Others go further in their pessimism. Former and their support for Hezbollah?" he asks. Mossad chief Shabtai Shavit reportedly warned offi- On the contrary, should things go wrong in the war cials in the United States that a failed attempt to with Iraq, Amidror foresees potential for an armed democratize the Middle East could lead to major regional instability. It could prove to be a recipe for all- showdown between Israel and Hezbollah. Then, he says, Hezbollah — with an estimated 1,000 Katyusha out war between the United States and the Muslim rockets trained on Israeli targets — could be encour- world, and a nightmare scenario for Israel, he said. aged to attack. Shlomo Brom, a senior researcher at Tel Aviv The truth may turn out to be somewhere between University's Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies, gives an Halevy's rosy optimism and Amidror's bleak caution. example of how things could start to go wrong. "A But one thing is certain: war in Iraq would create U.S. military government in Iraq," he says, "would new conditions in the Middle East and unleash new strengthen the perception of the war as Western colo- forces. How they affect Israel's position in the region nialism in new clothing. The result will be similar to remains to be seen. ❑ the Israeli experience in Lebanon in 1982, which start- 2/21 2003 15