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In fact, Gelernter argues, "It's the 1920s all over again," with that era's visceral loathing of war and readiness to appease totalitarian dictators (think of North Korea, Iraq, Syria, Zimbab- we and others). He finds today's Europe "amazingly" similar to that of the 1920s in other ways, too — "its love of self-determi- nation and loathing of imperialism and war, its liberal Germany, shrunken Russia and map of Europe crammed with small states, with America's indif- ference to Europe and Europe's dis- dain for America, with Europe's casu- al, endemic anti-Semitism, her politi- cally, financially and masochistically rewarding fascination with Muslim states who despise her, and her under- tone of self-hatred and guilt." Gelernter proposes that 1920s-style self-hatred is now "a dominant force in Europe." And appeasement fits this mood perfectly, having grown over the decades into a worldview "that teaches the blood-guilt of Western man, the moral bankruptcy of the West, and the outrageousness of Western civilization's attempting to impose its values on anyone else." Which brings us back to the unwill- ingness of "old Europe" to confront Saddam Hussein. World War II's les- son (strike before an aggressive tyrant builds his power) has lost out to the 1920s attitude ("nothing justifies envisaging military action"). This self-hating weakness will lead again to disaster, no less than it did leading up to World War II. The .United States finds itself having to lead the democracies away from the lure of appeasement. Iraq is a good place to start. ❑ TOBIN handing over of much of Jerusalem, including the Old City, to the tender mercies of Yasser Arafat), was telling. It should have alerted observers to the possibility that rather than Lieberman facing heat during the campaign for being too pro-Israel, he might think there was more political hay to be made by being called not pro-Israel enough. It appears that this will be his strategy. Lieberman's attempt to stake out what remains of the center-right of the Democratic Party may or may not lead to victory in 2004. The guess here is that he will be competitive but ulti- mately lose (don't ask me yet who will be the winner). Who is Joe Lieberman? Among other things, he is still a wonderful role model. His career illustrates that it is possi- ble to live a faithful Jewish religious life while rising to the heights of the non-Jewish world. But with other Democrats more likely to take stronger stands on Israel than him and with an incumbent Republican president who has, to date, done everything to earn the votes of pro-Israel voters, Lieberman has no special call on Jewish support. Lieberman's free ride from the Jewish community needs to end now. As he has acknowledged himself, he is a Jew running for president, not the Jewish candidate. The message from the Jewish com- munity should come forth loud and clear: You're on your own now, Joe. from page 35 Even more specifically for a Jewish community from whose deep political pockets Lieberman hopes to finance his 2004 run, there is another more disturbing analogy from that era of Connecticut pOlitics. Bailey's political protege was the late U.S. Sen. Abraham Ribicoff, who also served as Connecticut's first Jewish gover- nor and a member of Kennedy's cabinet. While Ribicoff is best remembered in American politics as the man who called Chicago Mayor Richard Dailey a Nazi from the podium of the Democratic National Convention in 1968, many also recall Ribicoff's willingness to distance himself at times from Israel. At a time when frierids of Israel were mobilizing Congress to oppose the transfer of advanced U.S. technology to Arab countries at war with Israel, Ribicoff supported the sale of high- tech jets and other military goodies to Saudi Arabia. He also went out of his way to undermine support for Israeli governments whose policies he didn't like such as those led by Golda Meir and Menachem Begin. In contrast to most non-Jewish politicians of his era and ours, Ribicoff took care never to be seen as "too sup- portive" of Israel. Lieberman's recent trip to the Middle East, during which he reached out to the Palestinians and lauded the fraudulent "peace" plan floated by Saudi Arabia (which called for unconditional Israeli surrender of all of the territories and the ❑