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Sanctioning Iran, Libya; missile minicrisis;
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JAMES D. BESSER
Missile Minicrisis
Washington Correspondent
The picture made pro-Israel leaders
wince.
It was a Chinese F-8 jet just like the
one that forced down a U.S. recon-
naissance plane on April 1. And slung
under the wing was a missile — built
in Israel.
A video released by the Defense
Department over the weekend showed
F-8s tangling with U.S. spy planes ear-
lier this year. The Chinese planes then
were equipped with Python 3 air-to-
air missiles — the Israeli cousin to the
American Sidewinder.
The F-8 that collided with the U.S.
Navy EP-3 on April 1 was apparently
not carrying one of the missiles, but
may have been equipped to do so.
The incident could reopen what has
been a persistent sore spot in U.S.-
Israeli relations: Jerusalem's willingness
to sell advanced weaponry around the
world, including to potential U.S.
adversaries.
ro-Israel activists are waging
a quiet uphill fight for
renewal of the Iran-Libya
Sanctions Act (ILSA), one
of the pillars of U.S. policy in dealing
with the rogue states.
Renewal legislation will be intro-
duced soon after Congress returns
from its Easter/Passover recess, but the
Bush administration's silence on the
issue — and reemphasis on oil as a
central theme in U.S. diplomacy —
have ILSA backers worried.
The original law imposed sanctions
on non-U.S. companies investing
more than $20 million annually in the
Iranian oil and gas business. A separate
executive order prohibits U.S. compa-
nies and foreign subsidiaries from
doing business with Iran and bans the
financing of oil projects in Iran.
The goal of the legislation is to limit
the funds available to both countries
to pursue their active efforts to acquire
weapons of mass destruction and to
support international terrorism. For
Iran, in particular, oil revenues are an
important component in financing
weapons development.
But the Bush administration —
heavy with former oil company execu-
has been cooler to sanctions as
tives
an instrument of U.S. policy.
Secretary of State Colin Powell has
already signaled a possible change in
sanctions policy toward Iraq — the
target of international sanctions that
have been crumbling in the past few
years.
"There is a growing understanding
in Congress and the administration
that sanctions alone are not enough,"
said Shoshana Bryen, special projects
director for the Jewish Institute for
National Security Affairs. "In the
absence of other tough and realistic
policies, sanctions alone inevitably
only hurt the weakest people in these
societies because these are dictator-
ships."
The administration, and Secretary of
State Colin Powell in particular, want
to reevaluate how sanctions fit into the
broader policy picture before commit-
ring themselves on ILSA or on contin-
ued sanctions against Iraq, she said.
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Conservative Lobby
A key leader of the Conservative
Movement is moving to ratchet up its
involvement in public policy debates,
mirroring the efforts of other Jewish
religious groups that have become a
growing presence in Washington in
recent years. But he may face daunting
obstacles.
This week, Rabbi Jerome M.
Epstein, executive vice president of the
United Synagogue of Conservative
Judaism, was in Washington to bolster
a Conservative political presence that
he said is long overdue.
"As individuals, we have been very
involved, but as a movement we have
been passive," he said in an interview.
"We definitely want to correct that
problem; we feel we have an impor-
tant message and an important per-
spective as a movement."
Initially, the group's New York-based
social action director, Sarrae G. Crane,
will spend more time in Washington
— using a desk provided by the
Religious Action Center of Reform
Judaism.
Rabbi Epstein will spend more time
traveling to the capital and getting
acquainted with Washington's movers
and shakers.