needs unless they impose undue hard-
ships on employers.
But the courts have interpreted that
standard in a way that gives employers
excessive latitude, in the view of
Jewish groups; the proposed law
would restore the religious protections
passed by Congress in 1972.
Observant Jews, who sometimes
face the agonizing dilemma of jobs
versus Shabbat, are obvious beneficia-
ries, but numerous other groups —
Seventh-day Adventists, Muslims and
Sikhs have been active parts of the
WFRA coalition — face similar prob-
lems.
Opposing the bill are political-
ly powerful small business lobby-
ists, who argue that accommoda-
tions could cost owners money.
There are other problems, as
well. Even some lawmakers who
support the concept are wary; the
whole area of religious liberty and
the law is one that can contain unseen
constitutional and political booby
traps.
And WFRA, while backed by a
broad coalition, is not a top priority
for any major interest group, so it's
hard to get lawmakers' attention in
the clamor of Capitol Hill.
but that it's important to keep work-
ing on it," he said recently.
"Eventually, it will pass; the prob-
lem is finding the resources you need
to keep at it, session after session."
But congressional turnover makes
their job even harder.
Three years ago, backers worked
for months to recruit Sen. Dan Coats
(R-Ind.) as a lead sponsor, giving the
measure a strong conservative backer.
But Coats retired . after the 1998 elec-
tions; that meant another arduous
hunt for a lead GOP sponsor, another
delay.
Little progress in
an election year.
Long-Term Effort
Those realities shape the strategy for
WFRA advocates.
Publicly, they insist they want the
measure passed this year. But their
lobbying is more realistic. The goal is
to methodically build support over
time by educating members, enlisting
co-sponsors and building an extensive
legislative record.
Nathan Diament, head of the
Orthodox Union's Institute for Public
Affairs, has made WFRA a priority
since he took the OU job in 1996; he
sees progress from year to year, but
admits it's been slow going.
"We operate as if we want it to pass
this year," Diament said.
"But in the back of our minds, we
have to take the long-term view."
Diament worked for more than nine
months just to win over a lead
Republican sponsor in the House,
Rep. Asa Hutchinson (Okla.).
Foltin, the AJC legislative direc-
tor, heads the intergroup coalition
pushing WFRA; he has been work-
ing most closely with the original
author of the measure, Rep. Jerrold
Nadler (D-N.Y.), and other House
Democrats.
"You have to steel yourself to the
idea that it might not pass this year,
Leaders in the pro-WFRA effort
are enlisting Jewish groups around the
country to make the measure a priori-
ty in their dealings with candidates;
the goal is to start the education
process before the next Congress is
even elected.
But WFRA is just one of many
issues vying for the attention of local
Jewish groups.
And "the fact that few outside the
Orthodox community feel the
urgency for this in their own lives
makes it harder to mobilize people,
even when they support it in theory,"
said an official with a major Jewish
group.
The pro-WFRA effort also requires
an ongoing investment in maintaining
the health of the coalition supporting
the measure — groups with shifting
priorities that can mesh one year,
clash the next. Realistically, pro-
WFRA activists simply want to keep
the ball in play, and be ready for any
unexpected political opportunities.
The hope is that by the next
Congress, the WFRA token will be
advanced a few squares on the con-
gressional game board, or at least not
set back too far.
"The legislation isn't languishing;
it's a process with ups and downs,"
said Abba Cohen, Washington repre-
sentative for Agudath Israel of
America. "Issues come up that bump
it from the front burner, and there's
always a need for more education, but
that doesn't change the fact that it's a
top priority for us.
"This is all part of the legislative
dance."
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