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Administration officials deny they
have made any specific commitments,
but most observers agree that the impli-
cation that U.S. money, equipment and
possibly peace-monitoring forces will
follow an agreement could be critical.
Israeli negotiators even came with
a preliminary wish list for new
equipment totaling more than $15
billion. It includes cruise missiles,
advanced surveillance equipment
and weapons to boost the fight
against terrorism. Syria, sources
close to the negotiations say, desper-
ately wants economic aid.
But danger lurks. Clinton, eager
for a pact before leaving office in a
year, may promise more than he can
deliver. And the Syrians, in particular,
may be misled by the heavy U.S.
financial commitment after Camp
David — an investment unlikely to
be repeated in today's much more
restrictive budget environment on
"We are still at
least a dozen
crises away from
an agreement.
— Thomas Smerling,nshington
director for the Israel Policy Forum
Capitol Hill.
The enhanced U.S. involvement
has produced another byproduct:
growing administration dismay over
the Syrians' reluctance to offer even
minor gestures of reconciliation to the
Israelis. Indeed, U.S. officials decided
against public opening statements on
Monday because of Foreign Minister
Farouk Sharaa's bitter anti-Israel tirade
at the first session in December.
Critics of the peace process say that
belies the real issue of Syria's motives
for coming to Shepherdstown.
In fact, Clinton's "over-investment"
in the talks reflects "lack of strategic
thought," said Douglas Feith, who
was a national security official during
the Reagan administration. "When
we play the negotiations this way,
making it clear we are a party to
them, we signal to the Syrians that
we agree that the key relationship is
between Syria and the U.S., not Syria
and Israel," he said.
"And that's not a constructive sig-
nal."
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