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Rabbi Shlomo Sharabi, principal of the Shas-run
Talmud Torah Habayit Hayehudi.

Outside Israel, it is less known that
Shas has built an extensive network of
educational and social welfare institu-
tions. Shas filled a vacuum in services
that the government never addressed.
Today, this network is one of the
biggest sources of Shas' political
power.
According to analysts, Shas was also
given a boost in the elections by the
establishment of the secular Shinui
Party It won six Knesset seats on an
anti-Orthodox platform and, ironical-
ly, helped galvanize support for Shas at
the polls.
Shas also was helped when its
leader, Aryeh. Deri, was convicted of
corruption just weeks before the elec-
tion. Even though the presiding judge
in the case was an Orthodox Sephardi
Jew, the conviction bolstered the feel-
ing among many Sephardim that
Israel's Ashkenazi-dominated establish-
ment has systematically discriminated
against them since Israel was founded
in 1948.
Deri recently resigned from the
Knesset in a move seen as an effort
to convince Ehud Barak, Israel's
prime minister-elect, to bring Shas
into his coalition — but Deri
remains as chairman of the Shas
movement. Barak insists that Deri
divorce himself completely from Shas
as a condition for entry into the gov-
ernment, since its social welfare and

political organs are intricately inter-
woven.
Shas' social network is made up of
six divisions offering an array of assis-
tance and activities. They include
health services, Sephardi cultural
enrichment, Torah seminars and even
financial assistance for farmers.
But the movement's biggest and
most important unit is Ma'ayan
Hahinuch Hatorani, or Torah
Education Spring. Shas says this edu-
cational network includes 100 day-
care centers, 750 kindergartens and
177 schools. They provide services to
more than 52,000 children of all ages
at 360 different locations throughout
the country.
Shas' strategy is to start up a school
and then receive Ministry of Education
approval and funding afterward.
Many of these institutions are
located in peripheral areas and work-
ing-class towns, and many of the chil-
dren they serve are poor. Each year, as
school registration deadlines approach,
older yeshiva students are dispatched
by their rabbis on door-to-door
recruitment campaigns.
Although 30 percent of Shas
schoolchildren are strictly haredi, most
are either traditional or even secular.
This percentage mirrors that of the
party's supporters. All of its leaders are
fervently Orthodox, but most of its
voters are nor.