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feared then and now that the
Holocaust had raised the threshold at
which action was mandatory.
Let me be clear. Ethnic cleansing is
evil. It is intolerable and must be
resisted! Even if events in Kosovo are
not the Holocaust, they have taken or
run the risk of soon taking the form
of genocide.
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Jewish Lessons In Kosovo
I
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In struggling with this dilemma,
American and European policymakers
face a series of bleak alternatives. As
they debate, neighborhoods are
attacked and burned, men, women
and children are forced to take flight,
people lose their homes, their villages,
their cultures. Rape and brutality go
hand-in-hand with geographic con-
quest. Television makes these images
all the more graphic, and vividly
demonstrates the impotence of the
NATO alliance.
At home, the backdrop to this is
that the United States has developed a
peculiar doctrine in the aftermath of
Vietnam. American soldiers may not
be put in harm's way. Despite a huge
military and an ever-increasing mili-
tary budget, each time the military is
about to be used, an array of forces
on the right and the left protest
American action. The military, they
seem to argue, must not be placed in
the line of fire even if the results are
the saving of hundreds of thousands
of lives from death and starvation.
Only a few years ago, our military
evacuated American citizens in
Rwanda. It left before the genocide.
But volunteers from international
relief agencies stayed to assist the vic-
tims while armed soldiers from
Belgium and France fled before the
slaughter.
In this post-Holocaust world, we
must realize that the burdens of being
a superpower are precisely the burdens
of the exercise of power. So I think
that President Clinton was right to use
force. Remember, Milosevic eventually
has responded to force in the past and
capitulated to Western pressure.
In Bosnia, Ambassador Richard
Holbrooke succeeded at Dayton only
after the United States demonstrated
a willingness to bomb.
Still, Kosovo may be much more
complicated. Military and political
experts are rightfully doubtful that air
power alone will alter ethnic cleansing
in Kosovo. In the short-term, the
bombing will strengthen Milosevic's
popularity in Serbia; his opponents
must rally around him because
Kosovo is an issue of vast emotional
and religious importance to Serbians.
An analogy to Jerusalem and the Jews
is common.
So what if the bombing does not
create an opening for diplomacy?
Force creates its own logic and its
own problems. For the bombing to be
credible, it must be sustained and
intense. It must clearly indicate to
Milosevic's military that there is a
price to be paid for ethnic cleansing.
Must ground troops follow?
Perhaps.
Should we arm the ethnic
Albanians to defend themselves?
Perhaps.
Bombing is not a simple option,
nor a zero sum game. It causes conse-
quences. It demonstrates that the
West regards current behavior as
intolerable. And I believe that all this
is for the good — or to be more pre-
cise, demonstrably against evil. Surely,
it is much better than the silence of
the Allies regarding the Final Solution
to the Jewish Problem. That is why
President Clinton and our NATO
allies have my support for this mili-
tary action. 17
About The Author
and gallery
Your neighborhood store for twenty years.
Michael Berenbaum, Ph.D., is a prominent Holocaust
scholar and author. Together with Michael Neufeld, he
edited a forthcoming book The Bombing of Auschwitz:
Should the Allies Have Attempted It? (St. Martin's Press).
He is the author of 10 books, including After
Tragedy and Triumph: Essays In Modern Jewish Thought
and the American Experience (Cambridge University
Press, 1991). His work as co-producer of the movie
One Survivor Remembers: The Gerda Weissman Klein
Story, was recognized with an Academy Award, an
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Michael
Berenbaum
Emmy Award and a Cable ACE Award.
His positions have included: project director of the U.S. Holocaust
Memorial Museum; director of the U.S. Holocaust Research Institute, and
Hymen Goldman Adjunct Professor of Theology at Georgetown University.
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