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shouted, "The next bullet's for your
head."
Further charging the political and
psychological atmosphere was a crowd-
winning gesture Netanyahu made last
week at a political meeting near Haifa.
"Everyone here is Likud?" the pre-
mier asked. When the crowd roared an
affirmative response, he removed a
cumbersome bulletproof vest his body-
guards had urged him to wear.
The two incidents have touched the
same raw nerve. In a nation where peo-
ple are far from reserved in their pas-
sions, how safe are the country's politi-
cal leaders, particularly during an
already heated election campaign?
Shahak visited the open-air market
one day after he declared his candidacy
at a Tel Aviv news conference, where he
called Netanyahu "a danger" to the
nation.
When Shahak turned up at the mar-
ket, a traditional pro-Likud stronghold,
vendors' and shoppers wasted little time
in letting him know how that remark
had played in their circles: Fruit, curses
and upraised fists filled the air. Shahak
waded into the thick of it, and his
handful of aides struggled to protect
him.
Later, the local police complained
that the neophyte politician had
neglected to inform them in advance of
his itinerary, leaving himself needlessly
exposed to possible violence.
In the wake of that incident,
Attorney General Elyakim Rubinstein
instructed police to take immediate
action against anyone suspected of
threatening a politician.
For his part, Shahak, who is cam-
paigning on a platform of bringing
unity to the Israeli people, said Israelis
needed to relearn "to talk instead of
shouting."
He did not withdraw his characteri-
zation of Netanyahu as dangerous, but
explained that he had not meant, as
some pundits understood, that the
prime minister was toying with the idea
of embarking on reckless military
adventures as a way of wooing votes.
Instead, said Shahak, he was referring
to Netanyahu's exploitation of the deep-
ening fissures in Israeli society for his
own short-term political survival — and
this was the danger that must be
removed.
The country at large seemed hor-
rified at what happened at the market.
Memories came flooding back of the
ugly public demonstrations against
Rabin in the weeks preceding his assas-
sination.
Adding to the poignancy was the fact

that Shahak is projecting himself as
Rabin's designated heir — a self-
declared role vigorously contested by
the Labor Party leader, Ehud Barak, also
a former army chief of staff and close
Rabin confidant.
The debate regarding the boundaries
of public discourse is particularly
poignant during an election campaign,
which is essentially an arena for argu-
ment — the essence of the democratic
process.
Israeli commentators have discussed-"
in the past the effect, both on the pre-
mier and on the public, of the thick
cordons of security that are thrown
around Netanyahu by the Shin Bet
domestic security service at his every
appearance.
Reservations over these measures —
however understandable they are in the
wake of the Rabin assassination — are
enhanced at election time, when candi-
dates need to engage in personal, grass-
roots campaigning. Netanyahu's deci-
sion last week to remove his bulletproof
vest enraged many on the left because
of its implication — that the premier
was in danger if anyone in the hall was
not a Likud supporter.
But along with the rage, there was
also sympathy with his predicament, _\
which is shared to a lesser extent by
Barak, who is also protected wherever
he goes by stern and uncompromising
Shin Bet officials.
The basic challenge to the workings
of the normal political process remains
unresolved. Yet who can fault the Shin
Bet? Not only has the agency's guard not
been let down since the night of the
Rabin assassination, it has been extend-
ed to cover a growing number of judges.
The president of the Supreme Court,
Aharon Barak, is now accompanied
everywhere by guards. Other Supreme
Court justices are also protected, as is
Jerusalem District Court Judge Vardi
Zyler, who ruled last month that the
draft exemption system for fervently
Orthodox yeshiva students is unlawful.
Last week, Netanyahu's former top
aide, Avigdor Lieberman, launched his
new political party with a sweeping
condemnation of the nation's "elitist"'
law enforcement system.
Lieberman, seeking support mainly
from immigrants from the former
Soviet Union, complained about Israel
becoming a "police state." While
Lieberman came under fire for
indulging in dangerous populist
rhetoric, some observers are alarmed by
the increasing frequency with which
judges find themselves threatened and
harassed. ri

,