point out that NJDC's political action
committee gave Docking $9,150, that
strategy is no better than the anti-
Semitic calls.
"This is the worst kind of gutter
politics,".said Matt Brooks, executive
director of the National Jewish
Coalition.
As Democrats and Republicans con-
tinue to bicker over what's fair play in
an election season, most agree that
future Jewish candidates are likely to
face similar tactics unless
those responsible are
exposed and publicly con-
demned.
But if history is any les-
son, even if there is expo-
sure, there are no guaran-
tees that the methods will
stop.
Political consultant
Arthur Finkelstein has the
dubious distinction of being
the first to test whether vot-
ers would respond negative-
ly to Jewish candidates.
Finkelstein, a much sought-after
Jewish pollster who crafted the image
that is credited with helping Benjamin
Netanyahu become Israel's prime min-
ister, conducted a poll in 1978 on
behalf of Carroll Campbell Jr. in a
South Carolina congressional race.
Using a question widely seen as
anti-Jewish, Finkelstein wanted to see
whether the fact that Campbell's oppo-
nent, Max Heller, was Jewish would
affect voters.
After Heller's religion became an
issue with the help of a third party
candidate — who pointed out in a
debate that "Heller doesn't believe in
Jesus Christ" — Campbell's polling
numbers improved and he went on to
win the House seat.
In the Kansas case, a similar strategy
may have been doomed from the start,
say local activists. Many of the known
phone calls were made in an area that
had already elected Dan Glickman, a
Jewish member of Congress who repre-
sented the district until he became
President Clinton's secretary of agricul-
ture.
The Brownback incident aside,
most campaigns involving Jewish can-
didates never touch directly on a can-
didate's Jewishness. Instead there are
more veiled attacks on a candidate's
position on foreign aid and Israel,
hinting at charges of dual loyalty.
Rep. Bob Filner (D-Calif.), for
example, came under fire at a 1992
debate for being a better friend of the
Golan Heights than the local heights

in his district. He was also accused of
speaking Hebrew instead of Spanish,
the language of many of his con-
stituents.
"If candidates in the course of their
campaign show an insensitivity to —
or attempt to tar a candidate — based
on race, religion or ethnic background,
it's the worst kind of behavior in poli-
tics and that's unacceptable," said
Hordes of ADL.
But difficulty arises when religion
intersects with policy.
"If one is identified with
a particular religious view-
point it may be appropriate
at some point" to raise
questions, Hordes said.
With Southern Baptists
moving forward with plans
to convert Jews, questions
could come from Jewish
audiences to measure their
support for the effort.
But others disagree,
believing that religion
should be left out of the
debate unless the candidate raises the
issue.
"A politician does have a public and
a private life. Religion is part of the
private life," said Frank Luntz, a
prominent Republican political consul-
tant.
But that does not mean that issues
that touch on religious belief are out of
bounds for debate, said Luntz, who
has created for the National Jewish
Coalition 25 pages of guidelines to
teach Republican candidates how to
talk to Jewish voters.
Using the findings from focus
groups, the Republican Jewish group is
asking candidates to address Jews on a
wide range of issues from Israel to
abortion.
Jews want moral issues "stripped of
any overtly religious references,"
according to the summary of the talk-
ing points provided by NJC.
The statement, "Communicating
Republican Policy to Jewish
Americans" urges candidates to express
support for Israel as a friend, not an
ally, because "allies come and go but
friendship lasts forever."
The strategy also looks to the presi-
dential race in 2000, urging candidates
to play upon what their testing found
to be current Jewish concerns about
the Clinton administration's pressure
on Israel.
"Israel is perhaps the most potent
issue out there" for Jewish voters, said
Luntz, the architect of the Republican's
1992 Contract with America. ❑

Appeals
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