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prominent figure, after party leader
Ehud Barak.
The strike also proved a painful
comeuppance for Ne'eman, who, in
only about a half-year in office had
become one of the most powerful
figures in Israeli public affairs. A
devout Orthodox Jew and highly
successful attorney, Ne'eman had
been called Netanyahu's consigliere —
a terrifically shrewd, tough negotia-
tor, and a true believer in
Thatcherist, budget-cutting econom-
ics.
Belonging to no political party
and in no need of a job on the pub-
lic payroll, Ne'eman was seen as hav-
ing the will, independence and nego-
tiating acumen to make deals on his
and Netanyahu's terms, even when
facing the most powerful interests.
His image was badly tarnished by
the strike — not least because it was
his reckless statement likening the
unionists to "home-grown bombs"
that gave the Histadrut leadership just
what they had been waiting for, a
nice, juicy grievance with which to
kick off the strike.

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The garbage piles
were so high that
some people
wore surgeon's
masks.

As negotiations for the 1998 bud-
get are about to begin in the Knesset,
Ne'eman , carrying the ball for the
government, will not be the intimidat-
ing force he was before the strike. The
Knesset's religious parties and Social
Caucus, which represents the poor,
likely will be emboldened by the
Histadrut's success.
The government's budget goal —
to keep spending down, and thereby
keep inflation down in the hope
of spurring growth and ending a
recession, will be much harder to
achieve.
The strike, however, leaves one open
question — how to reconcile the rea-
sonable demand of workers to collect
decent pensions, with the unreasonably
high cost to the state posed by this.
It's likely that this headache will be
left for union leaders, finance minis-
ters and taxpayers of the next genera-
tion. [1]

On Telegraph at the
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1,Mam.;

AMOR /41‘

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On Telegraph at the

Tel-12 Mall, Southfield

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354-3300

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On Telegrap h at the
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On Telegraph at the
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