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1/311rIZEI NEWS
JN
The debate over how
to pull out of Lebanon
has created strange
political bedfellows.
ERIC SILVER
s
Israel Correspondent
ince the beginning of this year
103 Israeli soldiers have died
in, or on their way to, war in
Lebanon. Twelve lost their
lives in a botched marine commando
raid last week.
The total death toll since the 1982
"Peace for Galilee" invasion now
stands at about 1,200 and since the
pullback to the South Lebanese securi-
ty zone in 1985 at about 500.
More and more Israelis are starting
to ask whether the price is too high.
They include military men, like Ariel
Sharon, who as Defense Minister
under Menachem Begin sent the army
into Lebanon in the first place, and
the new Labor leader, Ehud Barak.
They are not talking about an
unconditional retreat, but another, less
costly, way to protect the Israeli com-
munities along the northern border.
There are no Jewish settlements in
South Lebanon, no significant holy
sites. The security zone — 75 miles
long from the Mediterranean to the
Hermon foothills, varying in depth
from two and 1/2 miles to eight miles
— was created to keep the terrorists
and their Katyusha rockets away from
the Galilee towns and villages. Prime
Minister Binyamin Netanyahu has
said repeatedly that if there were no
threat, he would pull the army back
tomorrow.
First to applaud would be the
mothers and fathers who sit by the
telephone while their conscript sons
man the observation posts or patrol
every night in the rocky, treacherous
wooded hills and valleys
across the frontier. Some
parents have been dembn-
strating outside the Defense
Ministry in Tel-Aviv, but
most swallow their anxiety.
Yossi Beilin, an architect
of the 1993 Oslo peace
accords and minister in the
last Labor Government, has
launched a public campaign
to bring their boys home.
Early this week, he claimed
that hundreds of citizens
had signed up for his
"Movement for a Safe Withdrawal
from Lebanon."
Like everyone else, Beilin believes
the best solution would be a deal with
Syria, which pulls the strings in
Lebanon and controls the supply
routes to the Shi'ite Hezbollah militia
among other enemies of Israel. But he
doesn t see that coming in a hurry and'
he doesn't see why Israel should give
Syrian President Hafez Assad a veto
on redeployment.
Instead, he suggests that Israel act
on the half-forgotten United Nation
Security Council resolution 425,
which ended an earlier Israeli invasion
the 1978 Operation Litani.
"We should," he told me, "contact
the forces on the ground, including
Hezbollah, and try to reach informal
understandings with them. These
would include collective and individ-
ual solutions for our allies of the
South Lebanese Army. Then we
should withdraw from Lebanon,
strengthen the security fence and
deploy our forces south of the interno
tional border. If there is still violence
we should feel free to act against
them.
"We have to defend Israel from
within Israel," he added. "It won't be
simple. We may have to spend a lot c
money on a new fence. But if it is
required to do so, the army will find
way."
Sharon, the supreme hawk, and
Yossi Beilin, the ultimate dove, are
espousing similar views. "One thing
clear," Sharon wrote in Yediot
Aharonot, "it would be wrong to per.'
sist with the present methods ... The
is no place to worry here about per-
sonal honor or prestige. All minds
should be mobilized, immediately,
because in Lebanon a costly battle is
going on."
'
Journalists look at militaryear dis-
played by the Hezbollah In ormation
Office in Beirut.