AWork In Progress win time, suspension of negotiations was a time bomb. Time for this prime minis- ter is more expensive than for others. He does not have the confidence of the Arabs, the Palestinians or the Americans. Meanwhile, the Hebron agreement that was signed is hardly different from that agreed by Labor and the Palestini- ans. The meager changes were hardly worth the international political price that Israel and the Mr. Netanyahu gov- ernment paid for these petty amend- ments. But one has to be generous to Mr. Ne- tanyahu considering who his partner is. If Mr. Arafat continues to insist on his unreasonable new demands, which were not accepted by the Labor Party under the Oslo II agreement, and if he contin- ues to act as a bazaar merchant rather than a political leader, then Mr. Ne- tanyahu's governing and diplomatic er- rors will no longer be a valid argument for the national, international and edito- rialist opposition to him. Let's face it. Hebron is hardly in the mind of most Israelis. Since 1967, the city has become a target for radical national- ist and Jewish fundamentalist annexa- tions. Unfortunately, Labor governments did not resist, and sometimes encouraged the small enclave of Jews in Hebron. Further, the IDF abhors the settlers, the annexationists, and especially the radicals of the Hebron enclave. A whole army division has to protect some 50 fam- ilies, ones who act as if they are modern pioneers and defenders of the Israeli na- tional interest. Mr. Netanyahu has demonstrated no real professional discipline and, as yet, talent for governing. U) LU U) LU CD CC LU They do not add security. They are in fact the source of insecurity. Next to the Palestinian Hamas, Jewish radicals are most dedicated to terrorism, destruction and assassination rather than to peace and security. It was clear to the government from the beginning, and especially to the military authorities, that Hebron would be a ter- rible obstacle for any further negotiations. Hebron has no strategic political or mili- tary value. Yes, many religious Jews will argue about its historical and religious significance. But controlling Hebron will mar and reduce the political power of the Israeli government to negotiate over the most important issue — Jerusalem. LU 48 What now? The reality is that Mr. Arafat and Mr. Netanyahu distrust one another. Mr. Ne- tanyahu belittles Mr. Arafat, and Mr. Arafat in return has begun a campaign of vilification of Mr. Netanyahu among the Palestinians, in the Arab and Mus- lim world, and he hopes in the West. Mr. Arafat, who believed that Mr. Ne- tanyahu was dedicated to the destruction of Oslo, has resorted to a political, psycho-, logical warfare that goes beyond the bound- aries of the Middle East and the Islamic world. His target is to exacerbate the ten- sion in Israeli-Ameiican relations and bring to an end the friendship that President • Clinton extended to Mr. Rabin and Mr. Peres. Mr. Netanyahu must now, after the signing of Hebron, decide what his strat- egy is and be frank about it. This must be done to avoid deterioration of the Is- raeli-American relationship and with it the split in the American Jewish com- munity so pronounced in Shamir's days. He also must do this to avoid another intifada; or Palestinian uprising, anoth- er skirmish with the Syrians and to en- sure that the pariah status is not imposed on Israel once again. He must demon- strate greater political wisdom, manage- rial capabilities and diplomatic savvy. As the jet did not abolish the law of gravity, it only overcame it, so the inter- national community's attitude toward Is- rael has not changed; it essentially seeks to portray Israel as a pariah state. The attitude was only temporarily relieved by the Oslo agreements. Therefore, the tasks of Mr. Netanyahu are more awesome. He should not give ammunition to Israel's enemies and de- tractors. If Mr. Netanyahu seeks to be a great prime minister and wants to be reelect- ed, he must realize that his future, not so much that of Israel, is on the line. He has few friends in the administration in Washington, in Paris, and certainly in Cairo and Damascus. He should summon himself either to bring an end to Oslo and offer an alter- native to it, or to continue under a dif- ferent strategic conception. The Labor Party's incrementalist strat- Mugging for the camera: The spirit of Hebron's Arab schoolchildren has not been diminished by their city's strife. egy has come to a cul-de-sac. A step-by- step approach should be replaced by fi- nal negotiations over the most difficult issues: Jerusalem, border security, set- tlements and refugees. ❑ About The Author In late December, we asked him to mos Perlmutter, Ph.D., is one of write a piece that would without bias the most prolific and recognized analysts of the Arab-Israeli con- describe the complexities of Hebron and the Netanyahu govern- flict and Israeli politics. "A ment. Work In Progress" is his Initially he said that Detroit first piece for the previous commitments Jewish News and her Jew- would preclude him from ish News Group sister doing the piece. Forty- publications. eight hours later, he had The most well-known of faxed a draft of "A Work the 15 books authored by In Progress." the professor of political "I got so angry about science and sociology at the what happened in He- American University in bron yesterday, " he said Washington, D.C., is The the day after the recent Life and Times of Men- shooting by an Israeli sol- achem Begin, Doubleday, dier, "that I just had to Amos P erimutter: 1987. HIs most recent to Bibi. write about it." Be fair work is A New World Or- Explaining his re- der, University of North marks about Israel's embattled prime Carolina Press, 1997. Dr. Perlmutter is a frequent televi- minister, he said, "You have to be fair sion guest, having appeared on such to Bibi. He's made a tremendous shows as ABC "Nightline", BBC, CNN amount of mistakes, but everyone was and Egyptian TV. He is fluent in He- against him from the start." ❑ brew, Arabic, French, German and —Neil Rubin English. —Editor, Atlanta Jewish Times A