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It posits that by annexing
some 15 percent of the West
Bank to Israel, in exchange for
ceding an equal amount of ter-
ritory adjoining the Gaza Strip
to the Palestinians, Israel would
be able to bring some 70 percent
of the West Bank settlers under
its sovereignty.
Even if Mr. Peres and Mr.
Sharon were to agree on this ter-
ritorial division, it still remains
to be seen where Mr. Netanyahu
stands on the issue.
One signal came in a
Jerusalem Post interview pub-
lished recently with the prime
minister's adviser on planning
and communications, David Bar-
Illan. Asked about Mr. Ne-
tanyahu's current ideological
stance, the aide replied: "I don't
think he feels there is any chance
of the Land of Israel remaining
complete under the exclusive con-
trol of Israel." And on the matter
of Israel's political borders, he as-
sessed that "there are not major
differences between Likud and
Labor today." Thus it may indeed
be that the gap between Israel's
two political camps is shrinking.
Yet as Mr. Peres is quick to
point out, establishing viable po-
sitions is not the only obstacle to
resuming the peace process in
earnest.
"Making peace is a romantic
process, not a mechanical one, and
it has to be cultivated, not forced
or pressured," he says of the sharp
decline in relations between Israel
and the Palestinian Authority
over the past half year. "I'm not
sure that our government realizes
that."
Is the unsinkable Shimon
Peres, nonetheless, slumping into
pessimism?
"I'm not pessimistic; I'm realis-
tic," he insists when reminded of
all the problems he sees in the way
of salvaging the peace process.
Does he feel a sense of having
bungled an historic opportunity
in losing power?
`To be perfectly honest, there's
no battle without blunders," he
sums up philosophically. ❑
1. COLUMBUS
2. EDISON
3. EINSTEIN
4. SALK
5.
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