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much territory to relinquish, un-
der what conditions, and over
what period of time. Can Arab
negotiating partners be trusted?
Can and will they reciprocate in
adhering to agreements?
To complicate matters, em-
bedded in the negotiations over
Israel's withdrawal from Hebron
are precedent-setting issues that
will apply to the final negotia-
tions about Jerusalem.
Zionism's objectives were to
normalize the Jewish condition
and to enfranchise Jews with
control over their own destiny.
With the acquisition of power, Is-
raeli Jews earned the right to use
the prerogative of choice. That
included making peace with
Arab neighbors.
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Israel's window of
opportunity is slowly
closing.
Only during the second half of
Israel's existence, did Arab lead-
ers show a reluctant acceptance
of Israel. Despite great duress
from external influences in the
late 1970s — the Yom Kippur
War, an an active cold war and
U.S. presidential pressure due in
part from the oil crisis — Israel
chose to negotiate with Egypt.
When Sadat came to
Jerusalem, Israel chose, with
some reserve, to trust Sadat and
to return Sinai for a peace treaty.
When Israel chose to negotiate
with and recognize the PLO, its
strategic and economic condition
was its strongest ever. Israel ne-
gotiated without American pres-
idential pressure, a cold war, a
viable Arab military option, Arab
unity, Arab oil blackmail poten-
tially aimed at limiting American
support for Israel or a host of oth-
er factors.
Now the window of opportu-
nity with free choice is beginning
to narrow. It is far from shut.
Stress fractures are developing
in the US-Israeli relationship,
none too serious, but fractures
nonetheless. On Israel's northern
border, Syria is saber-rattling and
reportedly has new SCUD mis-
siles and a military pact with the
PLO. Egypt is leading a public
campaign against Israeli foot-
dragging over the withdrawal
from Hebron. Strains are deep-
ening in the Jordanian-Israeli re-
lationship. The newly formed
European Union is trying to edge
its way into Middle East diplo-
macy, trimming, if possible,
American exclusivity.
Further, the Israeli economy
has suffered a mild setback, in
part because the slow pace of ne-
gotiations has generated uncer-
tainty in capital investments.
And the Palestinian issue is re-
HANGING
page 112
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