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participate fully in American
electoral politics; the Republican
Party has a perfect right to in-
corporate much of their ideology
into its platforms.
But Jewish Republicans, by
denying the existence of that tilt,
do themselves considerable dam-
age, and they do damage to the
important idea that Jews should
be active participants in both ma-
jor parties.
This is not strictly a Republi-
can problem, of course.
Jewish Democrats have in the
past been too willing to overlook
flaws in their own candidates
and influences that can hardly
be described as pro-Jewish; the
ineffectual hand-wringing over
Jesse Jackson in 1988 stands out.
In 1996, the Jewish Democ-
rats are in the enviable position
of having a president who has su-
perintended the biggest boost in
U.S.- Israeli relations ever. But
they are remarkably silent about
some of Mr. Clinton's failings, in-
cluding his cynical gamesman-
ship in the recently passed
welfare bill.
When that measure cleared
Congress, Mr. Clinton engaged
in some theatrical angst over pro-

visions cutting off almost all fed-
eral social services to legal im-
migrants — conveniently
ignoring the fact that the pro-
posal, at least in part, originat-
ed inside his own administration,
not with the Republican Con-
gress.
Jewish Democrats were too
willing to turn a blind eye to a bit
of political hypocrisy that will
cause real pain for Jewish im-
migrants and real stresses on the
Jewish organizational infra-
structure.
Organized Jewish partisan ac-
tivity in both parties is good for
the Jewish community; the NJC
and NJDC events at the two con-
ventions serve as highly visible
reminders to mainstream lead-
ers that Jewish political interests
are more far-ranging than the
conventional wisdom holds.
But when participants become
apologists for candidates and po-
sitions that are widely regard-
ed as inimical to Jewish
interests, much of that advan-
tage is squandered; when Jew-
ish activists become just another
blindly partisan voice, they do lit-
tle to represent Jewish interests
in the political fray. ❑

JN

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U.S. Envoys Step Back
From Netanyahu-Levy

JAMES D. BESSER WASHINGTON CORRESPONDENT

W

ith friction continuing
to build between Prime
Minister Binyamin Ne-
tanyahu and Foreign
Minister David Levy, Israel's rep-
resentatives in this country face
a Mission Impossible when it
comes to real diplomacy.
According to sources in Wash-
ington, diplomats at the Israeli
Embassy are increasingly out of
the loop — in large measure be-
cause their nominal boss, Mr.
Levy, is shut off from the centers
of power in Jerusalem.
An example: When Dore Gold,
Mr. Netanyahu's top foreign pol-
icy adviser, met with Secretary
of State Warren Christopher in
Washington recently, the Israeli
Embassy here was not informed
of the meeting until afterward, a
breach of protocol that left the
diplomats looking foolish.
Israeli diplomats are perfect-
ly willing to sell the policies of
their government, whatever par-
ty is in power — but they say
they can't do the job when they
are kept in the dark, and when

they are bypassed in the day-to-
day dealings between the two
governments.
The current conflict has less to
do with policy than with the over-
whelming centralization of for-
eign policy in the hands of the
prime minister and a few aides,
and the increasing isolation of
Mr. Levy, the overseer of Israel's
embassies around the world.
The turf battle in Jerusalem,
in turn, is producing anxiety in
the Clinton administration,
which is increasingly confused
about exactly who is responsible
for Israel's changing foreign pol-
icy.
'We've seen this before, where
prime ministers and foreign min-
isters have been playing from dif-
ferent song sheets," said a
longtime Mideast analyst here.
"But the Levy-Netanyahu rift is
different; the direct lines of com-
munication between the admin-
istration and the new Netanyahu
government are still not fully de-
veloped, so the potential for mis-
communication is greater."

