erally at the last minute, he in-
formed Mr. Netanyahu that he
would not serve in a government
that did not include Mr. Sharon.
For lack of choice, Mr. Ne-
tanyahu presented the govern-
ment without either. But within
hours the crisis was solved by a
promise to cobble together a spe-
cial ministry for Mr. Sharon. But
Mr. Levy, whom Mr. Netanyahu
had humiliated and virtually
booted out of the Likud 18
months earlier, had taught the
new prime minister a lesson
about the "arrogance of power."

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David Levy:
Made his point.

And there were other mem-
bers of Likud's "Old Guard" bat-
tered in the fray. The powerful
Defense Ministry was awarded
to newcomer Yitzhak Mordechai
and the Treasury was offered to
apolitical Bank of Israel Gover-
nor Ya'acov Frenkel (who was
slated to be Mr. Netanyahu's
chief "technocrat"). The Justice
Ministry went to another out-
sider, Ya'akov Ne'eman.
The rest of the Likud's candi-
dates were offered the "leftovers"
after other coalition partners had
taken their pick of ministries.
(Mr. Meridor ultimately landed
the Treasury, but only after con-
siderable pressure from Mr. Be-
gin.)
A parallel storm raged in the
party over the plum position of
Speaker of the Knesset. Four
Likud deputies had announced
their candidacies, but Mr. Ne-
tanyahu threw his backing be-
hind a fifth figure, Ovadiah Eli,
who hadn't even made it into the
Knesset. To get around that
problem, Mr. Netanyahu asked
that the election of the speaker
be postponed until after the pas-
sage of the so-called Norwegian
Law, which would enable min-
isters to resign from parliament
and have other deputies (in-
cluding Mr. Eli) enter in their
place.
That idea only sparked open
rebellion. One of the four offend-
ed candidates, Shaul Amor, char-
acterized the scheme as "an
anti-democratic move against the

CAESAR page 82

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