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"risk-benefit ratio" — that is, what
are the risks and benefits of sign-
ing a peace treaty versus waging
a war that might conquer the en-
emy?
Halachah has strict guidelines
about military offensives. King
David, for example, had to secure
a license from the Sanhedrin, the
Jewish supreme court and leg-
islative body in Eretz Yisrael, pri-
or to going to battle.
"The only time that a Jewish
government in a halachic scenario
can act without permission is for
defensive purposes," Rabbi Weil
said. "The classic case is the Six-
Day War." During this war, from
June 5-11, 1967, Israel learned
the Arabs were about to attack—
and so first struck Egypt, Syria
and territory called "the West
Bank," held by Jordan.
When Israel negotiated peace
with the Palestinians, the man
who signed the treaty, Yitzhak
Rabin, had an extensive military
background. His successor, Shi-
mon Peres, does not.
"This is not meant to be an at-
tack on Peres, but keep in mind
that elections (in Israel) are so
close," Rabbi Weil said. Mr. Peres
also has been in Washington,
where a president up for re-elec-
tion would like nothing more than
to see Syria and Israel sign a
treaty.
But if peace is such a priority
in Jewish law, would any of this
really matter? Wouldn't Halachah
direct Jews to readily accept the
outstretched hand of the enemy?
Not necessarily.
"A lot depends on motive, on
the circumstances, on whether it
will really be a long-term peace,"
Rabbi Weil said.
John Chamberlin, a professor
of political science and public pol-
icy at the University of Michigan,
is an expert on ethics in govern-
ment.
Professor Chamberlin said
guidelines that determine behav-
ior in everyday life have nothing
to do with the world of politics.
You might not buy a used car from
a known supporter of terrorism,
but negotiating with Hafez el-As-
sad is a completely different issue.
"Some say ethics simply don't
apply (in politics)," Professor
Chamberlin said. "Leaders are ob-
ligated to act in the interest of
their state as they see fit, and the
normal kinds of strictures simply
don't apply."
Accountability is part of it. Hire
an assassin in the United States
and you're likely to go to jail; hire
as many assassins (and do any-
thing else you want) in Iraq, and
if your name is Saddam Hussein,
some world leaders will still do
business with you.
"There's something of a live-
and-let live philosophy (in inter-
national politics)," Professor
Chamberlin said. "No nation
wants to have other nations in-
terfere with its sovereignty. If
nothing else, we might decide to

honor an agreement with a nation
that is deeply flawed simply to
protect this concept of general sov-
ereignty."
In politics, "when reaching an
agreement with somebody you
consider to be a scoundrel, you
must be cautious, but negotiating
that agreement is not inappro-
priate."
What about Hafez el-Assad and
Yassir Arafat? In Arafat's case,
that depends on whether you
trust the public figure, who has
denounced terrorism and said he
recognizes Israel's right to exist,
or the man who, until weeks ago,
told the Arab press his goal con-
tinues to be Israel's destruction.
Additionally, Mr. Arafat must
deal with more than a handful of
Palestinians who do not back his
decision to change the PLO's
covenant. In January, Hebron's
representative to the Palestinian
legislative council said he wouldn't
support amending the covenant
until Israel releases all Palestin-
ian prisoners and disbands the
Jewish Agency. That same
month, Bethlehem's representa-
tive said, "If Israel insists on
changing the covenant, then it
must first abandon the Zionist
ideas regarding Greater Israel."

Twice God directed
Moses to wage
battle, but Moses
first tried to make
peace.

Mr. Assad is a different matter.
Although he has been Israel's
most cunning and dangerous en-
emy, he does have a track record
of sticking to agreements.
Mr. Assad's greatest appeal is
that he may be a better bet than
the alternatives, Professor Cham-
berlin said.
"In this case, there's probably
the view that Assad is more rea-
sonable, more amenable to stick-
ing to a deal than either the
Hezbollah or the Iranians. He's
the only one with any real control,
2
and, of course, he wants some
things: he wants the Golan
Heights, on his terms, and he says
he wants peace — again on his
terms."
While no one should look for
Mr. Assad to make a pledge to the
United Jewish Appeal, with a
great deal of pressure from the
United States it's possible Syria
could achieve real peace with Is-
rael, Professor Chamberlin said.
Citing former Soviet leader
Mikhail Gorbachev, he noted that
political leaders can and do
change. He also pointed to Israel's
peace with both Egypt and with
Jordan, whose leaders had once
been vocal supporters of Israel's c\ /
destruction. "Maybe Assad final-
ly is going to fall in line." ❑

