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Growing Pains

Nothing shows Israel's maturity as a nation more
than societal problems making the news.
The visit last week of two leading Israeli fem-
inists serves to underscore the point.
Only a few years ago, few Jewish Detroiters
would have paid attention to a Jewish woman
and an Arab woman highlighting discrimination
and sexual abuse in Israel. A country fighting
for its survival, and a Diaspora community sup,
porting that survival, have little time for self-
criticism.
To even raise the question of discrimination
and sexual harassment in those days would lead
to counter-charges of anti-Israel bias and pro-
paganda. The Jewish News was roundly chid-
ed several years ago for publishing a small Jewish
Telegraphic Agency story about prostitution in
Tel Aviv. To those worried about Israel, such

news was sacrilege, especially from a friendly
source. "Better to leave that kind of news to our
enemies," we were told.
Times have changed. Israel is engaged in an-
other struggle, a struggle for peace that is no less
dangerous than its struggle for survival. But this
struggle — and its own self-confidence as a na-
tion — is allowing Israel to address issues like
sexual abuse, drugs, discrimination against
Ethiopian immigrants and Israeli and Arab
women.
If this is progress, some would say, who needs
it? But as a measure of Israel's growth as a na-
tion and as a Jewish society, it is an important
yardstick.
Only a society feeling secure with itself and its
neighbors can afford to turn to these important
issues.

.

Taking A Kook Seriously

Monday's disturbing results in the Iowa Repub-
lican caucuses, which vaulted conservative colum-
nist Pat Buchanan into the front ranks of GOP
presidential contenders, pose some critical chal-
lenges for a Jewish community that has been too
eager to dismiss his candidacy as a fluke.
Mr. Buchanan's nativism and his extreme
views on foreign trade encourage us to regard
him as a classic American kook; his questionable
statements about the Holocaust elicit a much
darker suspicion.
But as Monday's results demonstrate, this is
a serious and savvy candidate who is mining a
deep vein of discontent among frightened voters.
Americans are scared about what seems like
an endless economic and moral slide; many are
sick and tired of the bland status-quo answers
of mainstream politicians.
Mr. Buchanan, a classic American populist
and a classic demagogue as well, is the only can-
didate responding directly and forcefully to those
concerns.
Instead of brushing aside Mr. Buchanan's suc-
cesses, we need to look more closely at their di-
verse roots.
Mr. Buchanan's surging popularity should re-
mind us that decades of liberal Democratic poli-
cies, and 12 years of Republican supply-side
economics, have not prevented our economic
malaise or what even many Jews concede is a
growing moral crisis.
Mr. Buchanan's solutions may be dangerous

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nonsense, and they are clearly inimical to the de-
mocratic values that the Jewish community de-
pends on for its security. But that shouldn't blind
us to the fact that his surprisingly strong sup-
port in the American heartland reflects a dan-
gerous gap between the promises of our affluent
society and the harsher realities of the 1990s.
We should not ignore Mr. Buchanan's puzzling
statements about the Holocaust, or his past ea-
gerness to defend accused Nazi war criminals.
Although the Pat Buchanan of 1996 comes in
a slicker package than the candidate who called
for a "religious war ... for the soul of America" at
the last Republican convention, there is no evi-
dence that what's inside the package has
changed.
We should also note that Mr. Buchanan has
made no effort to reach out to a Jewish commu-
nity that has good reason to distrust him.
Apparently Mr. Buchanan is seeking broad
support — but not so broad that Jews are wel-
come.
But it would be a mistake to focus entirely
on allegations of anti-Semitism in responding to
his candidacy. There's more to the man than his
views about Jews. And ultimately, these are the
factors that will be pivotal when the American
people decide whether to defy the "experts" and
elevate Buchanan to the highest office in the land
— or to flee from his extremist, intolerant views
in droves.

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Comment

Arafatobatics

NEIL RUBIN CONTRIBUTING EDITOR

I

n describing the prototype
clown to lead a bureaucratic
and outdated terrorist organi-
zation seeking legitimacy, it
would be hard to find a more per-
fectly pathetic caricature than
Yassir Arafat.
The Palestine Liberation Or-
ganization leader, and Israel's
partner in pursuit of peace, has
a silly grin, antiquated rhetoric, a
revolutionary's wardrobe (many
fashion faux pas here) and, for that
extra effect, a nasally, high-pitched
voice. Lest we forget, there's the
perpetual nefarious 6 o'clock shad-
ow that would see him star in
Norelco razor commercials.
And I'm tired of the arguments
that "he's really changed." Guess
what? He hasn't, although he has
moderated. Oh, how I wish that
Israel could wait 20 years and ne-
gotiate with the Palestinian lead-
ership being cultivated today.
They are, for the most part, well
educated, believe in democracy (al-
beit in the Palestinian context)
and prefer jobs and security for
their children over curfews and ri-
ots.
But this generation will again
pick up rocks, guns and worse if
Mr. Arafat does not succeed. And
that's why American Jews should
renew the diplomatic press,
which they've dropped of late, on
their U.S. representatives. We
must urge them to keep sup-
porting this country's high-level
of involvement in the peace talks.
If we don't, and this process
stops — as it could — we will
have failed Israel and ourselves.
We will remain obsessed with Is-
rael's defense, which cheapens
the Jewish state's role in our
lives. Sadly most Jews, including
myself, know more about Israel's
wars than yeshivot (Orthodox
and non-Orthodox). The seige
mentality integral to the Israeli
psyche has, by extension, become
a key ingredient in Diaspora Jew-
ish identity. We must remove its
necessity if, as a people, we are
to thrive. •
I reiterate this message be-
cause Mr. Arafat is again mak-
ing it extremely difficult to root
for him. Take this from his recent
interview with a Lebanese news-

paper. "The Palestinian state
with Jerusalem as its capital will
rise whether the Israelis want it
or not...The refugees in Lebanon
will return to Palestine...The so-
lution of the Palestinian problem
will not come all at once, but
rather in many stages."
This is anathema to 99 percent
of Israelis and Jews throughout
the world, including myself.
Jerusalem is and always should
be united under Jewish rule.
There are creative ways to share,
and that's what negotiations are
about.
Those who don't take kindly to
the peace process are screaming
that, through such statements,
Mr. Arafat shows what he really
wants.

We must remove the
seige mentality
integral to
supporting Israel.

Making matters worse, Mr.
Arafat is whining about chang-
ing the Palestinian National
Covenant. That nifty document
still contains language calling for
the destruction of Israel. Peace
process opponents claim that
there can be no comprehensive
solution with these words official
Palestinian doctrine. They're
right. And ironically, Israel Prime
Minister Shimon Peres, whom
they politically despise, is their
greatest advocate. In recent
weeks, he has repeatedly warned
of grave .consequences if, as
promised by March's end, Mr.
Arafat does not persuade the
Palestinian National Council to
delete the offensive language.
Mr. Arafat, ever the weasel, is
saying that covenants can't be
changed, only amended. But he'll
change this one. He has no choice.
Money, prestige and pride are on
the line. If he goes back to vio-
lence, he'll be crushed politically,
economically and militarily.
And that's exactly the corner
that he should always be pushed
into. ❑

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