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Jerusalem Legislation
On The Fast Track
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or months, legislation to
force the State Department
to move its embassy from
Tel Aviv to Jerusalem has
been moribund in both Houses of
Congress.
But recently, those proposals
returned with a vengeance when
House Speaker Newt Gingrich,
R-Ga., encouraged by some pro-
Israel groups, decided to offer the
resolution to Prime Minister
Yitzhak Rabin as a gift when he
visits Washington next week as
part of the Jerusalem 3000 com-
memoration.
Not that Rabin wants the gift
right now; Israeli officials have
been cool to the idea of touching
off a debate over Jerusalem be-
fore the final status talks, which
are due to begin next year — al-
though they all agree that the
embassy should be moved.
There was a dizzying burst of
activity on the embassy question.
First, Rep. Ben Gilman, R-
N.Y., chair of the International
Relations Committee, announced
that he would hold hearings on
the subject. But the hearing was
almost immediately scrapped, os-
tensibly because the House did
not want to get ahead of the Sen-
ate, where the legislative initia-
tive started with Majority Leader
Bob Dole, R-Kans., who unveiled
the bill in a campaign-style
speech to the American Israel
Public Affairs Committee
(AIPAC) in May.
Groups like Americans for
Peace Now and Project Nishma,
which support the Rabin gov-
ernment's policies, scrambled to
beat back the revived measure
because of provisions that require
groundbreaking by next year.
That, they worry, could upset the
delicate Israeli-Palestinian ne-
gotiations.
Later, Mr. Dole outflanked the
opposition with a compromise
that removes the 1996 deadline,
but retains the sanctions if the
move is not completed by 1999.
That won the support of Sen.
Daniel Patrick Moynihan, D-
N.Y., who has championed the
Jerusalem issue for years. Mr.
Moynihan's support is widely re-
garded as critical in the effort to
pass the bill with veto-proof ma-
jorities.
"The compromise is a step in
the right direction," said APN's
Gail Pressberg. "But we would
like to see some additional flexi-
bility built into the measure —
possibly a provision allowing the
president to postpone the move
if he certifies that it's in the na-
tional interest to do so."
Daniel Moynihan:
Critical of effort.
In the middle of all this, the ad-
ministration repeated warnings
of a veto; forcing the move now,
the White House insisted, would
limit the President's ability to
conduct foreign policy and en-
danger American involvement in
the peace process.
Activists on both ends of the
spectrum criticized the admin-
istration for ignoring the
Jerusalem controversy during the
long months when the legislation
was dormant.
"The administration insists
that forcing the move will dam-
age the peace process," said an of-
ficial with a major Jewish group
here. "But they haven't been part
of the effort to find a compromise.
One way or another, a Jerusalem
bill is going to pass; by sitting on
the sidelines, the White House is
making it less likely it'll be a bill
they can live with."
No Bombs
From Beilin
Jewish groups that want to defer
the Jerusalem embassy issue in
the interests of the peace process
got little support from economics
and planning minister Yossi
Beilin, who was in Washington
for meetings of the steering com-
mittee of the Amman economic
conference.
Mr: Beilin, who is second to
none in his support for the peace
process, told Jewish reporters
that he did not expect the move
to disrupt negotiations with the
Palestinians.
"I cannot accept that anybody
will be angry with us only be-
cause we are going to have a cap-
ital," he said. "After all, we are
the only country in the world that
doesn't have a recognized capital;
NO BOMBS page 64