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operations, I would arrest him.
I wouldn't care about personal
feelings."
And if the suspect resisted? "At
first," the captain answers, "I'd
try to avoid a clash. I'd try to talk
him into coming quietly. But if
that didn't work, I would use
force."
But isn't that, as the opposi-
tion claims, doing Israel's dirty
work for it?

who collaborated with the Is-
raelis, not those who fought
against them.
As a 24-year-old private in the
National Security Police puts it:
"We were all struggling for our
freedom. It is difficult to arrest
your friend, your brother, your
neighbor. The problem is not
whether you know him or not,
they're all the sons of my people."
The young policeman, who de-
clines to give his name, has a
cousin in Hamas. He says he
would try to avoid having to ar-
rest him, but if, in the last resort,
his cousin resisted arrest and he
was ordered to open fire?
"I would not shoot my cousin.
If necessary, I would resign from
the force. Every family here has
one brother in Hamas, one broth-
er in Fatah, one brother in the
Popular Front," he says, illus-
trating the emotional vise that
grips many who serve in the se-
curity police. "You are not going
to kill your brother." ❑
Eric Silver is a Jerusalem-based

"You have to carry
out orders."
— Capt. Faez Mamlouk

"No," he bristles. "We would be
carrying out the orders of our po-
litical leadership, precisely be-
cause we want to avoid any
interference from Israel."
The intifada graduates are
more ambivalent, even though
most of them were mobilized from
Mr. Arafat's own Fatah organi-
zation. They were used to choos- journalist who has covered Israel
ing their own targets, weighing for more than two decades.
their own risks, judging those

*329 9

36 Mos.

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36 Mos.

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LEXUS OF LANSING

Grabbing Power,
Not Land

Strengthened by the canceled expropriation of east
Jerusalem land, Israeli Arabs flex their political
muscle.

LARRY DERFNER ISRAEL CORRESPONDENT

T

he national consensus is
in: Both the government
and the opposition came
away big losers in the re-
cent cancellation of the expro-
priation of east Jerusalem land.
The winners were the two small,
Arab-dominated parties. The up-
shot is a new feeling of political
power among Israeli Arabs, with
the promise of more to come.
Until the planned land expro-
priation came to light, the De-
mocratic Movement for Freedom
and Equality (Hadash) and the
Arab Democratic Party (ADP)
supported the government, de-
spite their dissatisfaction with
its handling of the peace process
and Israeli Arab issues.
With five of the Knesset's 120
seats, these two Arab parties'
support gave the ruling coalition
the bare majority it needed to
govern. If Hadash and ADP

withdrew their support, the
right-wing opposition would
come to power. Thus, the Israeli
Arab parties went along with
the government, feeling they
had no choice.
But the Rabin administra-
tion's looming expropriation of
some 130 acres of east
Jerusalem land, most of it un-
der private Arab ownership,
pushed them beyond their lim-
it. Despite the pleas of Yassir
Arafat, Hadash and ADP cut the
rope and risked bringing down
the government over the issue.
Attacking from the right, the
opposition joined the Arab par-
ties, hoping to force the govern-
ment into taking over even more
East Jerusalem land in the fu-
ture.
When the dust cleared, the
government was still standing,

Grabbing Power page 64

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