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PEACE page 117

own people occurred after the Oc-
tober abduction and eventual
murder of Cpl. Nachshon Wax-
man. Mr. Rabin publicly bad-
gered the PLO chairman to find
the kidnappers in Gaza when
they were actually holed up in
territory under Israeli control.
There have been other errors,
too. "We haven't been generous
enough to Arafat," continued Mr.
Neriah. "We opened our hand to
him, but closed it pretty quickly
and encouraged the donor states
not to fund him without knowing
precisely where the money is go-
ing. That's none of our business.
In short, we didn't grasp quick-
ly enough that he is our strategic
ally and we must shore him up.
He may be weak, but he's the
only partner we've got."
Recently, Mr. Rabin stumbled
on another trip-wire. The most
burning issues for the Palestini-
ans are those close to home: the
disastrous effect of the border
closings on their earning power
and Israel's deliberate delay in
releasing the "security prisoners"
in its jails. Now joining these
grievances is the explosive land
issue.
"When Palestinians drive in
the West Bank, you can't imag-
ine the effect of seeing those bull-
dozers working to expand the
settlements," said Mr. Abu-Amr.
"It signals us that Israel has no
intention at all of reaching a ter-
ritorial compromise."
Ze'ev Schiff, the defense editor
of Ha'aretz, sees this matter in
terms of tactical symmetry. "Just
as Hamas and the Islamic Jihad
aim to destroy the process
through violent provocations, the
settlers engage in political provo-
cations for the same end. By rais-
ing the very issues that Israel
demanded to postpone — the fu-
ture of the settlements and the
status of Jerusalem — they are
deliberately undermining the
government's credibility in Pales-
tinian eyes."
But Mr. Rabin has shrunk
from rebuffing this challenge.
"You can't diddle Arafat," said
journalist Schiff. "You can't de-
mand that he curb the opponents
of compromise on his side while
openly conciliating your own."
The delays, mistrust and, ul-
timately, the belief that the
"quality of life" is worse now than
before the Declaration of Princi-
ples have generated the present
impasse. And the concept de-
signed to strengthen the two
partners actually has weakened
them both. (The latest public
opinion polls show that Mr. Ra-
bin is in even worse condition
than Mr. Arafat.) The "trap," as
Mr. Schiff defined it, is that Mr.
Rabin can't move forward unless
he can show his people that the
PLO is dealing with terrorism,
and Mr. Arafat can't deal seri-
ously with terror unless he can
show his people signs of political
progress.

Assessing The Options

How can Israelis and Pales-
tinians extricate themselves from
this trap? Strategists offer short-
and long-term proposals. Some
are dramatic; some pragmatic.
But there's no question that
the immediate answer is to con-
tinue maneuvering in the same
narrow vise.
"First of all we, and the whole
world, must insist that Arafat
get his act together and organize
his administration — its laws,
courts, and law-enforcement sys-
tem — to move against the prac-
titioners of terror," said Ron
Pundik, one of the original ar-
chitects of the Oslo accord.
"Once Arafat truly accepts that
terrorism is a threat to him no
less than it is to Israel, he can
grapple with it. He knows how to
fight his enemies," Mr. Pundik
observed, citing past examples of
internal warfare in the PLO.
"He's actually quite good at it,
and it brings out all his power,
virtuosity, and survival skills."
"Even if he can't halt terrorism
completely — we haven't ac-
complished that with far better
means — he must be seen to be
trying," added Mr. Neriah.

"The choice is to
follow a gradual
process. Or to go for
an accelerated one
and carry the public
with you."

— Ron Pundik

But by the same token, Israel
must be seen to be honoring its
commitments. Mr. Neriah said:
"We must speed up the transfer
of power in the West Bank. A so-
lution can be found to the rede-
ployment of the army, the holding
of elections, and the role of the
Palestinian police. And with a lit-
tle goodwill, a solution can be
found for the security of the set-
tlements.
"But all this must be conduct-
ed," he qualified, "under condi-
tions of controlled entry into
Israel." This is Mr. Neriah's for-
mula for separation. It is not, he
stressed, the present system of
"closure," which cannot be main-
tained for long because of pres-
sure from building contractors
and other Israeli businessmen.
Instead, it provides for bring-
ing approved workers to Israel by
organized transport (as well as
special entry arrangements for
humanitarian cases) to ease the
stress on both sides. The promise
of heightened security for Israelis
and political progress for Pales-
tinians is the only formula, he be-
lieves, for re-energizing the
process.
Mr. Pundik thinks that