1,pAie

frialo
ir A BORTZ HOME RECIPE

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4 acs of love
2 aps of loyky
3 a4)5 of forgiven555
1 cup of friendshO

5 spoons of*
2 spoons of tenderness
4 quarts of faith
1 barrel of laughter

New Ballgame

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Take love and loyalty,
mix it thoroughly with faith.
Blend it with tenderness,
kindness and understanding.
Add friendship and hope,
sprinkle abundantly with laughter.
Bake it with sunshine.
Serve daily with generous helpings.

Bortz
Health Care

In today's post-Cold War environment, will Israel
always be able to count on the U.S.?

INA FRIEDMAN ISRAEL CORRESPONDENT

W

hen the Korean nuclear
crisis popped into the
headlines, abruptly re-
minding Israelis that
their country still faces tangible
threats from without (both Iran
and Syria being recipients of
North Korean ballistic missiles),
quite by chance American and Is-
raeli scholars were meeting in
Jerusalem to deliberate the ques-
tion of American-Israeli Relations
and the "New World Order."
Their conclusions, reached dur-
ing a three-day conference spon-
sored by the Hebrew University's
Leonard Davis Institute for In-
ternational Relations, point to a
number of trends in these days
when, in the words of Hebrew
University political scientist
Shlomo Avineri, "both the Unit-
ed States and Israel have won the
Cold War but now are a bit per-
plexed because there's no road
map for reaching peace."
A few salient points to ponder:
• Since the end of the Cold
War, which was both a strategic
and an ideological conflict, it has

Nagorno-Karabakh."
This shift in mood, coupled
with a resentment over the loss
of American lives in ironing out
local spats, has made the U.S.
more dependent upon regional al-
lies to protect its interests abroad
— including where this interest
is as vital as protecting the flow
of oil.
• Even before the collapse of
the Soviet Union, the political ge-
ography of the Middle East had
begun to change from opposing
clusters of American- and Sovi-
et-client states to a division be-
tween "moderate" and "radical"
(Iraq) or "radical-Muslim" (Iran)
states. As the Gulf War amply
proved, being an "Arab" or "oil-
producing" country is not neces-
sarily a key factor in determining
political behavior. Arab states are
today as likely to take up arms
against each other as they are to
attack Israel.
Because of this reshuffle of the
old strategic and political decks,
what could once be dismissed as
absurd notions of regional secu-

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been far more difficult to keep the
American public "motivated" to
maintain a high profile in world
politics.
At the same time, in the view
of Tel Aviv University analyst
Dore Gold, regional conflicts —
which lack the drama of the su-
perpower standoff and are often
played out in remote corners of
the world with unpronounceable
names — tend to draw less su-
perpower attention. Even famil-
iar arenas of contest, like the
Middle East, have begun to be
viewed in a new light.
"After all," Mr. Gold quipped
rather wearily, "Arabs and Is-
raelis are really just one big

RNSMEUTERS

rity no longer sound quite so odd.
In the foreseeable future, for
instance, the Gulf oil states (to
say nothing of Israel's immediate
neighbors) could well come under
Israel's "nuclear umbrella" in a
standoff with such potential nu-
clear powers as Iraq and Iran.
The longer the conflict with Is-
rael persists, however — even if
just on a de jure level — the
longer it will take to align Amer-
ican allies in the region produc-
tively.
• A similar trend has also mod-
ified America's diplomatic pos-
ture from that of a "mover and
shaker" to a more passive role.
The Clinton Administration, ob-