WE'RE VERY WilinVE TO OuR NON-CARiSrAti SIUDENIZ.- 'MY DON'T ROE 1) ! The Dilemma Again Year after year, the December Dilemma strikes with a vengeance. Jews must grapple with shopping centers decorated with San- tas and reindeer, with nativity scenes out- side civic buildings, with school children - Christian {and} Jewish - singing Christmas carols. How does the excessive commercialism that surrounds Christmas affect Chanukah? Per- haps even more important, how do the con- stant reminders of Christmas - and the exceedingly short shrift given Chanukah - affect Jews' self-esteem? A partial answer to this last concern has just come from Todd Russell and Nina Rib- ak-Rosenthal, two education professors at California's Stanislaus State University, who have just completed a study on the effect of Christmas celebrations in public schools on Christian and non-Christian students. Their results are not encouraging. Almost every non-Christian student had a variety of negative reactions to classroom emphasis on Christmas: exclusion was felt by 26 percent of students, shame by 17 percent, depression by 11 percent, and rejection by 18 percent. The authors also considered it "notewor- thy" that "even teachers who advocate mul- ticultural sensitivity may exhibit little concern for children who adhere to non-ma- jority religious beliefs." Such teachers may attend to the "politically correct," but disre- gard the "religiously correct." The authors' findings indicate that educa- tors in public schools can take some steps to mitigate the "dilemma" that December pos- es for many Jews. They can increase their own and others' awareness of the religious diversity in America. They can assure that school time is used to study the religious tra- ditions of all Americans, and not as worship time for one religion, which is essentially how many public schools treat Christmas. For too long our society, which cherishes the separation of church and state, has ac- commodated a December blind spot. Pulling Out Of Gaza In recent weeks, Hamas, the Islamic funda- mentalist organization that commands the loyalty of Gaza's majority, has stepped up its attacks on Israeli soldiers, killing several. Hamas was also responsible for the kidnap- ping and murder this week of an Israeli bor- der policeman. Israelis agree that Gaza is a headache, and support is building for the idea of unilater- ally abandoning the territory in the near fu- ture. Some say Israel should simply announce a withdrawal date, fence in the Strip, and leave the Gazans to sink or swim alone - without Jewish targets to vent their hatred against. Israel would gain a public relations coup by granting Palestinians full control over Gaza and it would rid itself of a major problem. Withdrawal is an appealing notion. Gaza, unlike the Golan Heights and the West Bank, is of little strategic importance to Israel, and, therefore, not worth the shedding of more Jewish blood. Nor does Gaza possess much theological importance for Jews, and it is home to just 3,000 Jews, who could be moved with relatively little consequence. Should Gaza become a staging ground for rocket at- tacks against Israel, Israeli military power could always harshly retaliate. But there is another side to the Gaza dis- cussion. Instead of a public relations coup, Is- rael might be blamed by the world for the mass bloodletting and possible starvation likely to follow its departure, when an all-out struggle between Hamas and the PLO is sure to develop for control of Gaza. The fighting might get so bad that Israel would be forced to intervene (before the UN decided to) and Jerusalem would be right back where it started. In addition, as Gaza is economically de- pendent upon Israel, Israel also depends on the cheap labor Gaza supplies. Then there is the argument that withdrawal would hand Palestinians, dead set against any compro- mise with Israel, a military victory that strengthens their hand in the West Bank. With Gaza, Israel is between a rock and a hard place. But we think that a well-planned withdrawal from Gaza better serves Israel and the cause of Mideast peace. The longer the debate on Gaza continues, the longer Gaza will continue to sap Israel's military and moral strength. Dry Bones -ro AVOID RxitelGo eNotaueme :41.....4 5 Letters Turf War Hurt Assimilation Fight In his Dec. 11 Purely Com- mentary, Philip Slomovitz makes reference to the Insti- tute for Jewish Life which was established in 1971 by the Council of Jewish Welfare Federations. He specifically refers to the Nov. 20 article by Gary Rosenblatt which points out that the Institute lasted for only four years. Mrs. Slomovitz asked: "Did we get tired? Why?" The answer is: "We didn't just get tired; we got mugged." The Institute was the victim of a sickness called "turf' which is endemic (but not exclusive) to Jewish com- munal service. From the very moment of the establishment of the In- stitute, the professional and lay leaders of a number of na- tional and local agencies and organizations began a delib- erate campaign to neutralize the Institute's effectiveness. They would never have achieved this objective but for the untimely death of Irving Blum, successor to Max Fish- er as president of the Coun- cil. (Blum was the man most responsible for getting the Council to establish the In- stitute in the first place.) The Institute's opponents - mistakenly - perceived it as a threat to their respective or- ganizations. Moreover they were impelled by a philoso- phy similar to that expressed by a former Secretary of State: "What's good for Gen- eral Motors is good for the United States.," i.e. "what's good for our organization is good for the Jewish people." As a member of the Insti- tute's Professional Advisory Committee, I observed, first hand, how these opponents succeeded in preventing the Institute from achieving any of its major goals. The Institute did carry out a number of worthwhile pro- jects, but for all intents and purposes, it was fatally wounded by the end of its sec- ond year. It just took two more years for rigor mortis to set in. I don't know if the Insti- tute, as such, would have suc- ceeded under the best of cir- ) cumstances, but unless the American Jewish communi- ty can find at least a partial antidote for "turf," whatever it tries in the future will un- j doubtedly meet with the same fate as the Institute. Irwin Shaw West Bloomfield German Lesson For U.S. Jewry Two years after the Berlin° Wall and one year after the reunification of Germany, '- which was celebrated in the world and especially in the United States with rapturous joy as the victory of Freedom 1 over tyranny, the Nazis inc Germany celebrated the first year of this freedom with thousands of terror attacks. ) There were murders and ar son, while their countrymen stood by with approval and the German authorities c' looked on passively and the world political and religion., leaders watched silently - as they did in 1930. The American Jewish corn- munity must remember that there is no safe haven. They will have to fend for them- selves. Five million strongc, the largest and most pros- perous in the world Jewry, they must be in the frontline, here and abroad, in the fight against the threat of the re- currence of a new Jewish tragedy. Charles Lukacs, Southfield c' Israel Must Be Only For Jews I resent the cartoon pub- lished Nov. 27 showing "Fun- damentalist Groups" tying the Mideast peace talks to a railroad tie. I was taught with millions m- of other Jews, that Israel was a Jewish state. But it wads-- about 1973 that I learned that the Israeli Government said I was wrong from 1948) ... it is a bi-national govern- ment composed of Jews an Arabs, and was only Jewis by the votes cast. The Isra ISRAEL page 8