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T
he saga of Robert I.
Friedman vs. AIPAC
continues.
In the Aug. 4 Village
Voice, journalist Robert
Friedman charged AIPAC
(the American-Israel Public
Affairs Committee) with us-
ing espionage and smear
tactics against its
"enemies," including Jews.
AIPAC vehemently denied
the allegations. In the latest
edition of the Voice, Mr.
Friedman further details
what he calls AIPAC's "war
on liberal Jews."
Among his charges:
• After President Bush
linked $10 billion loan guar-
antees for Israel to its freez-
ing settlements on the West
Bank last year, AIPAC for-
eign policy director Steven
Rosen exploded, "F— — —
the administration. We've
got the Congress, and we
will ram it down their
throats."
An AIPAC source said the
quote was "nonsense. You
would have to have an IQ of
three to say that you can get
by without the White House.
In this town, you need both
the executive and the Con-
gress."
Voice correspondent
Robert Friedman said he
"stands by the original
story."
• An Aug. 7, 1990, inter-
nal memo to Mr. Rosen from
Michael Lewis, head of
AIPAC's policy analysis,—
stated that "anti-Israeli ac-
tivities are on the increase."
Among the groups "of
greatest concern" were three
dovish Jewish groups: the
New Jewish Agenda, the
Jewish Peace Lobby and the
Jewish Committee on the
Middle East.
• The Zionist Organization
of America relied on AIPAC
for research on a list of Jews
it published on Aug. 10,
1989, "whose actions serve
to undermine the Jewish
state and its position in the
world."
All were members of the
Jewish Peace Lobby, and in-
cluded actor Edward Asner,
writer Gloria Steinem, and
author Howard Fast.
In a Feb. 23, 1989, memo,
ZOA executive vice presi-
dent Paul Flacks told
AIPAC's Michael Lewis,
"You will soon find that we
are using the material in a
very positive manner .. , "
promising to do so without -7
mentioning that AIPAC was
its source. \,
Mr. Flacks said Mr.
Friedman's account was
"inaccurate. This is McCar-
thyism in reverse. He has
taken isolated episodes to
create a case when, in fact,
his information is not even
in context."
Non-Violence
Vs. Hitler
Could non-violence have
slowed — or even stopped —
the destruction of German
Jewry?
That question is posed —
but not quite answered — by
author Nathan Stoltzfus in
"Dissent in Nazi Germany,"
an article in the Atlantic
Monthly.
Mr. Stoltzfus notes that
the query is "provocatively
abstract" because whether
non-violence could have
changed Nazi policies,
"history shows only that the
mass of Germans either did
nothing or supported the
Nazi regime."
But he does cite three suc-
cessful peaceful protests in
Nazi Germany. One, a street
demonstration in Berlin by
wives and husbands of Jews
who had been rounded up by
the Gestapo, convinced the
Reich to release spouses des-
tined for death camps.
On Feb.
Feb. 27, 1943, the SS
began arresting any Jew
still living in Berlin, in-
cluding 2,000 married to
gentiles. Hundreds of
spouses demonstrated day
and night for a week outside ._/
the building where their
mates were locked up.
Finally, Joseph Goebbels,
the Nazi Party's regional di-
rector for greater Berlin,
"decided that the simplest
way to end the protest was to
give in to the protestors'
demands."
The protests were not
against the Reich's anti-
Semitic policies, writes Mr.
Stoltzfus, but displayed c ,
what Auschwitz survivor
Primo Levi called
"selfishness extended to the
person closest to you . . . us-
ism."
Mr. Stoltzfus says peaceful
protests succeeded against
the Nazis if they were: