wenty years ago, Hyman
Bookbinder, the long-
time Washington repre-
sentative of the Ameri-
can Jewish Committee, helped
create "First Iliesday," an infor-
mal, monthly gathering for lead-
ing Jewish activists working in
the nation's capital. The idea
was to enable them to share
common concerns.
"In those first years, we'd
have maybe seven or eight peo-
ple at our meetings," recalled Mr.
Bookbinder, now retired. But over the
years, the gatherings grew steadily.
"Now, we sometimes have more than
40 — and many of them are full-time pro-
fessionals representing Jewish organiza-
tions," Mr. Bookbinder noted.
"What I've seen is a constant, uninter-
rupted increase in the number of players
on the Washington scene, in the number
of visits of Jewish officials and organiza-
tion people to Washington — professional
and lay."
The growth of "First Tuesday" is one
indication of a fundamental recasting of
the American Jewish political scene in re-
cent years. New York may still be the
spiritual home of American Jewry, but
Washington is fast becoming the com-
munity's political center.
The result is a Washington Jewish

presence that may be more politically
credible and more sophisticated than ever
before — but one that no longer speaks
with the resounding authority of a single
voice.
Where before the only Jewish groups in
Washington lobbying on domestic issues
represented the liberal end of the Jewish
political spectrum, today, with the rising
influence of Orthodox lobbyists, legisla-
tors are hearing from a Jewish communi-
ty that is increasingly split on such key
issues as parochial school funding and
civil rights.
Likewise, before there were only a
handful of pro-Israel lobbyists, and the
unanimity of the community was reflec-
ted in their pitch to Congress. But today,
their number has increased dramatically
— and so has the diversity of opinions on
the Middle East offered up to Washing-
ton decision-makers.

Access Is Key

H

aving lobbyists in Washington has
allowed Jewish groups to effective-
ly weigh-in on a growing number of
important domestic issues, and has
enhanced efforts to secure badly needed
federal funding for Jewish social and
health services.
Moreover, the growing Jewish mastery
of official Washington has helped piopel
pro-Israel groups to successes unimagin-
ed only a dozen years ago, the debacle
over the $10 billion U.S. loan guarantee
for Soviet Jewish resettlement notwith-
standing.
To be sure, some Jewish groups have

This article was made possible by a grant
from the Fund for Journalism on Jewish
Life, a project of the CRB Foundation of
Montreal and the Jewish Telegraphic
Agency. Any views expressed are solely
those of the author.

gill' •

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•• ■ • .

long had a major Washington presence.
They include the American Jewish Com-
mittee, the Anti-Defamation League of
B'nai B'rith, the American Jewish Con-
gress, the Council of Jewish Federations,
the Union of American Hebrew Con-
gregations and the National Council of
Jewish Women.
These groups say having a full-time
Washington office provides significant
advantages, not the least of which is that
it enables them to better play the net-
working game that is key to getting
things done in the nation's capital.
"We benefit in two ways," said Henry
Siegman, executive director of the Amer-
ican Jewish Congress. "First, having a
Washington office provides us with accu-
rate and timely information about what is
happening in government. And it gives
us much more access to legislators and
policy-makers."
Secondly, he continued, "we've found
that with a Washington office, many
people in the administration and on [Cap-
itol] Hill turn to us before certain prob-
lems arise, to get our input. The fact that
our man there is recognized, that the of-
fice's work is considered reliable, helps us
have a much greater impact."
It is these truisms of Washington polit-
ical life that have prompted a variety of
other Jewish groups to also take the capi-
tal lobbying game more seriously.
One such relative newcomer is Agudath
Israel of America, the politically active
Orthodox group.
Agudath opened a Washington office
three years ago, and quickly became an
active player on a wide range of issues,
from education to child care legislation.