BACKGROUND Settlements The Focus Of Mideast Peace Talks Washington and Israel appear headed for a showdown over the issue of new Jewish towns on land claimed by Palestinians. HELEN DAVIS Foreign Correspondent W ashington and Jerusalem are on course for a major showdown over Jewish set- tlements in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip following this month's Middle East peace conference in Madrid. Hanan Ashrawi, the soph- isticated and articulate voice of the Palestinian cause at the conference, made it clear at her final Madrid press conference that top priority would be given to halting further settlement activity. According to U.S. sources, her confident demand was based on a private assurance by Secretary of State James Baker that Israeli set- tlement activity would be frozen within three months, the waiting period ordered by President George Bush before the U.S. decides whether to approve a $10 billion loan guarantee to help Israel absorb its Soviet immigrants. The sources also reported that Mr. Baker has promised to implement United Nations Security Council resolution 681, which was adopted last December and is aimed at enforcing the terms of the Fourth Geneva Convention, which would extend international protec- tion to West Bank and Gaza Strip Palestinians. UN Secretary-General Javier Perez de Cuellar is reportedly waiting for Wash- ington's go-ahead before summoning a meeting of the signatories to the conven- tion, which forbids an occu- pying power from moving its own civilians to occupied territories, from deporting members of the indigenous population and from holding political prisoners. Since 1967, Israel has ac- quired about 60 percent of the occupied territories for military purposes and Jew- ish settlement, and it has planted nearly 250,000 set- tlers in the territories. While Israeli officials decided to put their con- ciliatory foot forward in Madrid, consciously reduc- ing the level of public rhet- oric against territorial com- promise and emphasizing the need for negotiations, there is no change in their underlying goal. They regard the territories not only as essential strategic depth, but also as part of the biblically promised Land of Israel, which cannot be relinquished. When Israeli officials speak of granting "self- government" to the Palesti- nians for a three-year period before starting negotiations to determine the final status of the territories after five years, they are talking a very different language from both the Palestinians and Washington. Israel's concept of self- government involves free elections in the occupied ter- ritories with the aim of es- tablishing a civilian au- thority that has a wide mea- sure of control over the daily lives of the 1.8 million Pales- tinian inhabitants. But it is no more and no less than the autonomy Secretary of State James Baker has reportedly assured the Palestinians that Israeli settlement activity will be frozen within three months. agreement which formed part of the Camp David Ac- cords of 1978 and was round- ly rejected by the Palestin- ians at the time. Israel's interpretation perceives autonomy being extended to the people, not the land. It regards its military government as the source of final authority over the Palestinian self- governing regime. It does not envisage the creation of an independent Palestinian state. Moreover, it does not con- template ceding ultimate authority over the occupied territories. As far as Israel is concerned, Palestinian self- government under Israeli control is both the interim and, with some cosmetic modifications, the final sta- tus of the Palestinians and their "homeland." When the parties meet for their next direct talks in the context of the US-Soviet co- sponsored peace process the Israeli negotiators will unveil a 25-point plan for a self-governing Palestinian regime. The plan, according to sources, would cede to the Palestinians the power to raise taxes, frame their own budget for the territories and create their own civil service. They would also be allowed to administer their own police, law courts and jails, and would have control over commerce, agriculture, transport, communications, housing, refugee rehabilita- tion, education, health and welfare. Israel's negotiating posi- tion is expected to include limited troop withdrawals from the major centers of Pa- lestinian population and their redeployment in pre- assigned security locations. Israel, however, will insist on exercising unfettered control of the airspace over the territories, while its ground forces will be deployed on the eastern slopes of the West Bank and it will maintain early- warning and intelligence systems on West Bank mountain tops. Political, military and geographic reality dictate that the West Bank and the Gaza Strip will remain under the authority of Israel's security forces for as long as Israel chooses to maintain its iron grip. Yet while the troops en- sure Israel's continued physical control of the ter- ritories, it is the network of Jewish settlements that most diminishes the possi- bility of handing over the territories to a future Pales- tinian government. Israel will not agree to remove existing settlements and it is unlikely to agree to permanently freeze the es- tablishment of new set- tlements or the expansion of Caravans house families while new homes are built. those already in place, although a temporary cessa- tion may be achieved under enormous financial pressure from Washington. At present, there are about 100,000 Jewish settlers in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, about 15,000 in the Golan Heights, and a further 130,000 in the annexed sec- tions of east Jerusalem. What worries the Bush administration and Pales- tinian leaders are reports that Israel is planning to double the size of the settler population within a year ac- cording to a deliberately contrived strategy β€”the "Stars Program" β€” that would effectively remove the territories from the negotia- ting table. Settlement activity is no longer simply a haphazard drive to "create facts on the ground" and remove yet an- other piece of real estate from the negotiating table. Today, it has been refined to a systematic program designed to encircle and isolate Arab villages, to obliterate the Green Line β€” Israel's pre-1967 borders β€” and to destroy the geographic definition of the occupied territories. Ma'aleh Adumim, perched on a hilltop in the Judean Desert between Jerusalem and Jericho, has a popula- tion of 15,000 and will short- ly become the first Jewish settlement in the West Bank to be designated a fully fledged city. Ariel, a thriv- ing West Bank settlement near Tel Aviv, is now attrac- ting a flood of new immi- grants from the Soviet Union and, with new homes being snapped up as fast they are built, settler leaders are planning for a population of 20,000 within a year. But it is Modi'in, situated between Jerusalem and Tel Aviv and projecting a population that will number 250,000, that provides the model of the modern set- tlement philosophy, a hint of things to come. Like a string of other set- tlements under construction or on the drawing boards, Modi'in was deliberately built just a few yards inside Israel and, as intended, it is now creeping easterly to straddle the Green Line. The man in charge of Israel's settlement program is Ariel Sharon, the con- troversial housing minister, who first shot to interna- tional attention during the 1973 Yom Kippur War when he led an expeditionary force across the Suez Canal, en- circled a major part of the Egyptian Army and and cut its supply lines. Mr. Sharon, who believes the peace process is a recipe for war, is now employing the same tactics to encircle the West Bank and destroy the Green Line by simply building settlements on it. Efraim Sneh, a former military governor of the West Bank who now heads an Israeli institute that promotes democratic ideals and is affiliated with the Labor Party, believes the unstated strategy of Mr. Sharon's settlement program contains both geographic and political objectives. The geographic goal is to cut the West Bank into four mini-cantons, depriving it of any viability as a credible political entity. The political objective is to settle more Israelis in the occupied ter- ritories, strengthening fur- ther the lobby of those demanding continued Israeli control. "A government that pro- vides housing on such excellent terms is also buy- ing their votes," said Dr. Sneh, a retired brigadier in the Israeli Army. Senior Israeli officials ex- press impatience when ask- ed about the Stars Program: THE DETROIT JEWISH NEWS 35