Conference Concern:
Worry About Peace
GARY ROSENBLATT
Editor
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22
FRIDAY, OCTOBER 25, 1991
(313) 960-7777
SUPREME ELECTRIC INC)
There are two
remarkable as-
pects about the
Madrid peace
conference. One
is that it is
actually taking
place, after dec-
ades of war and bitterness and
mistrust. The second is that
no one, particularly the
Israelis, seems very happy
about an event that could
mark the dawning of an era of
peace between the Jewish
state and its Arab neighbors.
An objective observer
could conclude that Israeli
Prime Minister Yitzhak
Shamir, despite enormous
pressure from Washington,
has done remarkably well in
terms of the framework of
the conference.
Consider: He refused to sit
down with the Palestine
Liberation Organization
and, in fact, the Palestinian
delegation will not be made
up of PLO officials.
He refused to discuss the
status of Jerusalem, and
that issue is not up for im-
mediate consideration.
He insisted that the USSR
renew diplomatic ties with
Israel, after 24 years, as a
prerequisite for the talks
and that took place last Fri-
day.
He resisted pressure to
freeze settlement activity
before the talks begin. And
despite his insistence that
Israel will not trade land for
peace, he has managed to
have Israeli officials sit
down face-to-face in bilateral
-talks with parties from
Syria, Lebanon and a joint
Jordanian-Palestinian dele-
gation.
For four decades, Israel
has asserted that its goal
was to sit down with its Arab
neighbors to discuss peace.
Now it's about to happen. So
why am I so worried?
The primary reason is that
Israel always thought that
the United States would be
in its corner, its one ally. But
the world has changed. The
Soviet Union has lost its
superpower status and the
Middle East conflict is no
longer viewed as Israel and
the U.S. vs. the Arabs and
the USSR.
In addition, George Bush
and his key advisers have no
reservoir of empathy for the
State of Israel. In fact,
Israelis argue that not only
is Washington no longer a
solid supporter, but it cannot
even be trusted as an honest
broker in the Mideast
negotiations.
Any number of recent
events supports this state-
ment, including Mr. Baker's
only blaming Israel for
delays during his efforts to
reach negotiations, Mr.
Bush's outspoken opposition
to the $10 billion loan guar-
antees until Israel freezes
settlements, Washington's
criticism of Israel for flying
over Iraqi airspace and its
hints that, after Iraq, Israel
may be next in line to have
its nuclear potential reduc-
ed.
Then there are the sins of
omission. Washington has
been silent about Arab
refusals to end the economic
boycott of Israel, Syria's role
in Mideast terrorism and
refusal to participate in the
regional stage of the peace
conference, and the Saudi
Arabian president of the
United Nations who walked
out on an address to the U.N.
by Israel's foreign minister.
Can you imagine the out-
cry if Israel was the
offender? Is it too naive to
ask for a semblance of bal-
ance here?
All indicators point to
Washington siding with the
Arab demand for the return
of virtually all land occupied
by Israel since 1967 in
return for the promise of
peace.
Israel does not want
assurances. It seeks real
peace. And for all of his
stubborness, Yitzhak
Shamir surely is prepared to
concede some territory or he
would not have taken the
process this far. But the
issue must be "land for
peace," not "land for a piece
of paper."
One word of caution for the
Bush administration: the
best way to guarantee an
Israeli government that is
further to the right and
stronger than the current
one — a nightmare for
Washington — is to continue
to pressure Israel on issues
of security. That's when
Israelis will unify in
resistance.
An Israel that can make
territorial concessions must
feel strong and self-
confident. Israel today feels
isolated and vulnerable.
That's why, for now, I'll
remain enthusiastic about
the prospects for peace — but
worried about the process
underway to achieve it. 0
N