HELEN DAVIS Foreign Correspondent T he fact that Israeli and Arab leaders are still talking about sitting down at a peace conference later this month is eloquent testimony both to the diplo- matic skills of Secretary of State James Baker and to Washington's awesome po- litical muscle. The Likud government of Yitzhak Shamir may feel betrayed and abandoned by the decision last week of 68 senators to yield to their powerful president and agree to a four-month hiatus in considering its request for a $10 billion loan guarantee. The Palestinians may be deeply unhappy about the terms of their participation at the proposed Middle East peace conference — no PLO officials and no represent- atives from east Jerusalem. Neither side, however, is talking about pulling out of the process and neither is is- suing the bold, declarative threats that experience has taught Middle East diplo- mats to expect. In simple language, neither can afford the high price of wrecking the initiative. The world order now emerging from the ashes of the Cold War and the Gulf War is clearly imposing new realities on an old conflict, handing veteran Middle East politicians an unac- customed lesson in biting the bullet. As Mr. Baker prepares to put the finishing touches to the proposed peace con- ference, he will have to start the potentially perilous task of filling in some of the con- spicuous cracks that have so far been papered over with creative ambiguity. While his stated declara- tion was simply to get the Arab-Israeli protagonists face to face around the con- ference table, that modest goal fell far short of the need by all sides for concrete guarantees about the parameters of the negotia- tions. Indeed, some fear that in accepting procedural terms they may be perceived to have given way on substan- tive issues. The Palestin- ians, for example, are con- Artwork from Newsday by Bernie Cootner. Copyright° 1991, Newsday. Distributed by Los Angeles Times Syndicate. Biting The Bullet Israel and the Palestinians aren't happy about the conditions for peace But they're afraid of the U.S. — and Islamic fundamentalist cerned that their cir- cumscribed delegation may be interpreted as a negation of the PLO's role and a rec- ognition of -Israel's annexa- tion of east Jerusalem. All sides are anxious to receive official assurances from Washington before the conference begins, but that would entail Mr. Baker abandoning diplomacy for real politik: • He must reassure Israel that Jerusalem will not be divided again while convinc- ing the Palestinians that he does not recognize Israel's claim to sovereignty over east Jerusalem. • He must reassure the Palestinians that he sup- ports their claim to a na- tional homeland while con- vincing Israel that he op- poses the establishment of an independent Palestinian state. • He must reassure Israel that he appreciates its stra- tegic concerns while convin- cing Syria, Jordan and the Palestinians of his belief that Israel must abandon oc- cupied territories for peace. The bottom line is that he must convince both Israel and the Arabs they have more to gain than lose from A little-discussed factor in bringing the Israelis and Palestinians together is their mutual fear of the Islamic fundamentalist movement. cutting a deal: that Israel can look forward to genuine peace if it evacuates the oc- cupied territories; that the Arabs will be adequately rewarded for recognizing Israel's right to exist in peace. One little-discussed factor in bringing the Israelis and Palestinians together is their mutual fear of the Islamic fundamentalist movement, Harms, which is growing rapidly and has no use for either the Israelis or the PLO. The threat posed by Islamic fundamentalism is not contained in devout re- ligious observance, but in the embrace of Islam as a total identity —religious, po- litical and cultural — which demands uncompromising antipathy for non-Islamic traditions. Washington last week ex- perienced a blast of this chilling reality in Saudi Arabia, where King Fand's determinedly feudal kingdom is sensitive to the growing challenge from its own Islamic radicals. Fearing the burgeoning fundamentalist opposition, which is currently distributing videotapes of a recent royal wedding that featured alcohol and belly- dancers, the Saudi king re- jected U.S. requests to redeploy 3,000 troops and 80 military aircraft on Saudi soil for possible action against Iraq. He also refused to allow the United States to build a helicopter base in nor- theastern Saudi Arabia, imploring his friends from Washington to realize their plans in Kuwait: "The whole thing must not look like a Saudi-American operation," he reportedly said. The radical Islamic move- ment on Israel's borders — the Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan and Syria; Hamas in the West Bank and Gaza Strip —resolutely reject rec- ognition of the Jewish state, let alone negotiations with it. According to Islamic law, any land that has ever fallen under Muslim rule is eter- nally Islamic and it is both the highest and holiest duty of Muslims to redeem the land from its "foreign usurpers." The charter of the Hamas movement, with its message of visceral hatred for Jews and the Jewish state, leaves no room for doubt about its rejection of any accommoda- tion with Israel and its con- tempt for the predominantly secular nature of the PLO's nationalist struggle. By contrast, the PLO seems flexible. The point has not been lost on either the Israelis or PLO leader Yassir Arafat (who has significantly abandoned the slogan of a "secular, democratic Palestine") that since the start of the intifada in December 1987, support for llamas has grown like mushrooms in the rain. Hamas is now able to claim the support of 40 per- cent of Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, with a substan- tial, and steadily rising, minority within the West Bank, too. The specter of a rampant, violent, uncompromising Islamic fundamentalist threat may yet prove to be the catalyst that impels the various parties to come to terms with an imperfect resolution to their long- , festering conflict. ❑ THE DETROIT JEWISH NEWS 33 1 T ERNATIONA BACKGROUND