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I
here are signs that,
despite much skep-
ticism to the contrary,
Syria may be willing to
make real peace with Israel.
The "Golan Force Separa-
tion Agreement," signed in
1974 by Israel and Syria, has
been precisely implemented,
in word as well as spirit. The
agreement was not even
violated during the Lebanon
War when Israel destroyed
most of the Syrian force in
Lebanon — including some
90 warplanes and Syria's en-
tire surface-to-air missile
defense system in the Bekaa
Valley.
Despite this enduring
agreement, Syria is still
perceived in the Israeli mind
as a country with whom
there exists no chance of
making peace, a country
whose only concern is the
destruction of the State of
Israel.
Why does this distorted
perception of Syria persist
when it has had no basis in
fact since the end of the Yom
Kippur War?
Is it because of unwill-
ingness to negotiate the fate
of the Golan Heights? Why
was it permissible to
negotiate regarding Sinai
with Egypt, while with Syria
there is nothing to be
discussed regarding the
Golan's future? After all,
security arrangements to
meet the requirements of the
Israeli army are also feasible
on the Golan Heights.
As it stands, Israeli law
has already been extended to
the Golan Heights, a step
just short of formal annexa-
tion. The leadership of both
the Likud and Labor parties
still believe today that con-
trol of the Golan without
peace with Syria is better
than its return for peace,
even with territorial com-
promise. This attitude will
certainly change in the
future.
Yet today for some reason
both parties, mired in do-
mestic problems, fail to ex-
plain to the nation that
there is no chance of a com-
prehensive peace between
Israel and her neighbors, or
even of peace with Jordan,
without peace with Syria.
Anyone who deludes
Major General (res.) Avraham
Tanzir formerly served as di-
rector-general of the Prime
Minister's Office and the For-
eign Ministry.
himself that peace with
Syria is possible on the basis
of continued Israeli
sovereignty over the Golan
Heights or that the United
States would support such
an aspiration, had better get
ready for war.
Does Syria's involvement
in Lebanon compel us to
regard Syria as an eternal
enemy? This conclusion is
inconsistent with Syria's
military conduct there.
Syria has not prevented the
Israel Defense Force from
operating against the PLO
in Lebanon, and in 1982, it
sent troops into action only
when the IDF moved to cap-
ture Syrian army positions
in the Lebanese Bekka
Valley and the Beirut-
Damascus Road.
Israel must defend her ex-
istence and security while
striving for peaceful rela-
tions with all its neighbors
in the region. But it must
not intervene militarily to
defend the existence or in-
tegrity of Arab countries. All
that need concern Israel are
threats to its own security —
for example, the quantity
and quality of conventional
military forces deployed
near its borders and the in-
troduction of weapons of
mass destruction to the re-
gion.
In a peace process with
Syria, agreements can be
made that meet the re-
quirements of Israel's na-
tional security and address
the dangers from Lebanon.
The rejectionist front
headed by Syria and Iraq
was set up largely to thwart
the separate peace Egypt
signed with Israel. The re-
jectionists cut economic and
diplomatic ties with Egypt,
launched a boycott and
engaged in acts of terrorism.
Normalization of Egypt's
role in the Arab world thus
became dependent on pro-
gress in the larger peace
process.
After Egypt regained
leadership of the Arab
world, Syria adopted the
strategy of foiling initiatives
for a separate peace between
Israel and Jordan or Leb-
anon, by means of threats,
terror and a military
buildup for a war to recap-
ture the Golan Heights.
Must preparation for war
be the only Israeli answer to
this Syrian strategy? Or
should we also open the door
to peace? The time has come
to think in terms of com-
prehensive regional peace,
not just a separate peace. ❑
(