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When the missiles started raining down on Tel Aviv, Mr. Shoval's life became a blur of activity: endless meetings with administra- tion policy makers over the question of possible Israeli retaliation, with Jewish groups frantic about Israel's survival, with legislators in- terested in helping Israel cope with the costs of the war, with an endless series of interviewers who saw in Mr. Shoval a calm and ar- ticulate spokesman who offered just the right mix of concern for Israel's interests and concern for the broader agenda of the anti-Iraq coali- tion. "He comes through as a Walter Cronkite figure," said Marvin Kalb, the longtime CBS and NBC newsman and now director of the Shorenstein, Barone Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy at Har- vard. "He's believable, seri- ous and intelligent. And yet he's clearly someone who is not making policy." Mr. Shoval responded with diplomatic caution to the question that is on the minds of many of Israel's sup- porters: Did Israel, in fact, derive any long-term benefits from its un- characteristic restraint in the face of Scud missile at- tacks? "In my subjective feeling, yes, relations between our two governments did im- prove during this period," he said. "The meeting which occurred between the presi- dent and the prime minister went off very well. There was no feeling of a lack of chemistry. Whatever the dif- ferences of opinion between the two governments, I believe the relationship • between the two countries is on a higher plane than it was before." But almost in the same breath, he offered a more pessimistic assessment of the long-term benefits won by Israel. "We were told during the crisis that Israel would stand to gain a lot of positive points as a result of that re- straint," he said. "I don't want to be misunderstood; it wasn't for that reason that Israel decided to wait. But some Israelis today are beginning to question that original assumption; they are questioning whether the gains we have seen were short-lived." In another area, the results of the Gulf war were even less positive for Israel, in Mr. Shoval's view. "All of us were very op- timistic during the Gulf war and right after the war that there would indeed be a change in the attitudes on the part of the Arab world. We are a bit less optimistic now. I don't want to foreclose any options, or say that the window of opportunity has been shuttered. But it is not as wide open as we assumed it was." Ambassador To Jews While Mr. Shoval's primary responsibility is as ambassador to the United States, he notes that he is also "the ambassador of the Jewish people in Israel to the Jewish people in the United States," which gives him a great deal of satisfac- tion. But these two roles are not always entirely compatible. Mr. Shoval plays a different role with American Jews than with the administra- tion — or with his govern- Shoval looks like what he is — a prosperous businessman now turned to government service. ment colleagues back in Israel. This is particularly ob- vious on the question of set- tlements, the hottest issue along the Washington- Jerusalem axis. Mr. Shoval told a radio interviewer in Israel that the Shamir govern- ment's settlements policies could short-circuit efforts to provide Israel with an addi- tional $10 billion in housing loan guarantees. But in his office in Wash- ington, he was asked how he would like American Jews to think about the settlements controversy. His answer was quite different — reflecting his belief that one of his primary functions as ambas- sador is to reinforce the solid wall of Jewish support for Israel. "It's only an obstacle (to the peace process) if you want to make it an ob-