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The
litical borders
Security Council resolu-
tion (242) neither endorses
nor precludes these ar-
mistice lines as the
definitive boundaries.
Mr. Lerner's resume of 242
gives this interpretation of
the Rogers' viewpoint:
Secretary Rogers' inter-
pretation on resolution
242 was the same as
Israel's: The 1949 ar-
mistice lines are not
Israel's political boun-
daries. Until her political
boundaries are estab-
lished and agreed upon
by the parties in confor-
mity to the second clause
of resolution 242, Israel is
entitled to stay in the land
taken in 1967.
Thereupon Mr. Lerner
drew on the views of the
then U.S. Ambassador to the
U.N. in the following impor-
tant portion of his article:
The late Arthur J. Gold-
berg, U.S. ambassador to
the U.N. when Resolution
242 was adopted, cor-
roborates Secretary
Rogers' understanding. In
a letter of June 26, 1980,
on whether 242 requires
Israeli withdrawal from "
all of the territories oc-
cupied in the West Bank
and Gaza Strip during the
1967 war," Ambassador
Goldberg wrote:
"The notable omissions
(from the resolution) are
the words the' and 'all.'
The significance of these
omissions is vital to a
proper understanding of
resolution 242.
"The resolution, is
essence, neither com-
mands nor prohibits total
Israeli withdrawal.
Rather, it remits the ex-
tent and timing on any
withdrawal from the West
Bank and Gaza Strip to
the parties to the conflict
to negotiate."
Like Secretary Rogers,
Ambassador Goldberg
believed that "territory
for peace" is not a princi-
ple under 242, as stated by
President Bush. It is an
option available to Israel.
Continuing these declara-
tions and interpretations,
Mr. Lerner provides impor-
tant obligations.
Nor is this just the opi-
nion of U.S. officialdom.
The Egyptian government
adopted this view too
when it agreed to the
Camp David accords on
Sept. 21, 1978. They are
based on Resolution 242.
The terms of the Camp
David accords are fun-
damentally inconsistent
with the concept of Israel
being the occupying power.
They are wholly consistent
with Israel's status as the
administrative authority in
lawful possession of the
territories. And in the ac-
cords, the U.S. agreed that
under 242 Israel is in
possession of the West
Bank and Gaza as a matter
of right, not as an occupy-
ing power. ...
Resolution 242 states that
the Security Council "af-
firms the necessity ... for
achieving a just settlement
of the refugee problem?'
That language refers to
Jewish refugees as well as
Arabs. By now, the
thousands of Jewish
refugees from Arab lands
have been resettled in
Israel. Arab refugees from
Palestine, however, have
generally not been resettl-
ed. Arab states admit Arab
refugees and employ many
of them, but do not grant
them citizenship ...
The time has come for
the Arab states to admit
that they lost the war in
1948 and in 1967, and to
stop punishing their Arab
brethren by denying them
citizenship in their host
countries.
According to the original
understanding of Resolu-
tion 242, Israel has no
obligation to withdraw
from any of the territories
taken in 1967 unless a
peace treaty with an Arab
state creates a secure and
recognized boundary that
calls for withdrawal
thereto, as the treaty with
Egypt did in 1979. And
Israel remains at liberty to
negotiate peace treaties
that do not call for
withdrawal. According to
the Arab states, and — it
seems — according to
President Bush, Israel is
an occupying power in the
West Bank and Gaza, and
is obliged to withdraw to
the 1949 armistice lines.
The view shared by the
president and by the Arab
states may not be advan-
tageous to U.S. foreign
policy interests. It is cer-
tainly bad history, and bad
international law.
This compilation of fact
should now be used to pre-
vent distortions vis-a-vis
242. There should be
demands that they be
treated honestly in White
House, State Department
and all diplomatic corps.
There should be demands
that utilization of them be
the obligation of all in the
media. That should be one of
the means of paving the road
to peace and justice. ❑
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THE DETROIT JEWISH NEWS
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