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Greasepaint
Continued from preceding page
bright side. I met all my
neighbors — as they
scrambled into the
building's bomb shelter.
Day 33
Before I left to entertain
children at a Tel Aviv
hospital, I stopped at a con-
venience store.
Shopping at a 7-11 here is
no different than in the
United States. The guy
behind the counter here
doesn't speak English
either.
In full clown makeup, I
hailed a taxi. As the driver
pulled away from the curb,
he pulled over the curb. I'm
thinking I was safer during
the missile attack.
The driver kept looking
over his shoulder at me, like
I might be part of some new
terrorist ploy — a killer
clown commando squad.
When I arrived at the
hospital, the children went
absolutely wild. I was a
celebrity.
I went from bed to bed,
pausing to clown around
with children and their
parents. I made each child
one or two balloon animals
before I moved to the next
room. They even allowed me
to go into the recovery room
to see children just recently
out of surgery.
Before I left, I saw every
sick and injured child in the
place. But one little boy
started to cry after about
five minutes of watching me.
"My little boy is crying,"
his mother said, "because he
says that he wants to go to
America to live with the
clowns."
That alone made the trip
worthwhile.
Day 38
After a few more air raids
and episodes of entertaining
children, today is my last
day in Israel. My adventure
is over.
The people of Israel seem
like no others I've met.
When you spend your whole
life under threat of war, I
guess you develop a special
zest for life — since it can
end so suddenly.
I wish I were staying. I'm
so proud to be a Jew.
Not bad for a clown.
❑
OPINION
Non-Negotiable
Continued from Page 7
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FRIDAY, APRIL 12, 1991
an Israel dependent upon
Arab good will is soon to be no
Israel at all. An Israel only 10
miles across, an Israel sur-
rounded by ancient enemies,
an Israel unable to protect
itself in the worst-case
scenarios that so frequently
arise in the Middle East, is
not a defendable Israel. An
undefendable Israel is
history.
The Arabs know this. We
should learn it.
Middle East peace in-
itiatives like those now ban-
died about are by no means
new. The Israelis have
negotiated with their Arab
neighbors many times in the
past. In the most successful
and most promising of such
negotiations, Prime Minister
Begin of Israel and Prime
Minister Sadat of Egypt
reached a historic accord at
Camp David; and because
they did, Sadat was
assassinated in his own
homeland by his own fellow
Arabs.
The Israelis have given
back huge expanses of land
legitimately taken by de-
feating aggressors in combat,
aggressors that attacked
them on the holiest day of the
Jewish year. Israel's largesse
did not produce peace.
Israel has now actually
declined to launch a
(
counterattack when fired
upon by an Arab nation with
whom it is not even at war.
The scope of Israel's restraint
is apparent when we consider
how we ourselves would res-
pond if Saddam Hussein had
lobbed missiles into
Baltimore and Philadelphia.
But Israel's remarkable
restraint has not produced
security within its own
borders or good will outside
them.
There can be no world peace
without regional peace, and
there can be no regional
peace for an Israel
strategically disadvantaged
at the insistence of its
enemies and exposed to at-
tack by ill-advised negotia-
tions with armed, hostile
neighbors whose tactical posi-
tion and geographic boun-
daries remain the same while
Israel's are diminished.
What good does it do, asked
John Milton more than 300
years ago, to defend against
your enemy at one gate, if you
let him in at another?
What good does it do, ask
the Israelis, to defend yourself
against the multiple
onslaughts of multiple ag-
gressors, if you give them at
the bargaining table what
they could not get or keep at
war?
❑
N