PURELY COMMENTARY Kahane Continued from Page 2 ly relies on the secret organizations it gave rise to, such as the Free- masons, the Rotary and Lions Clubs, and other sabotage groups. All these organizations work in the interest in Zionism . . . It is behind the drug trade and alcoholism so as to facilitate its control. The Zionist plan is limitless. After Palestine, the Zionists aspire to ex- pand from the Nile to the Euphrates. When they will have digested the region they overtook they will aspire to further expan- sion, and so on. Their plan is embodied in the "Pro- tocols of the Elders of Zion;' and their present conduct is the best proof of what we are saying . . . Leaving the circle of strug- gle with Zionism is high treason, and cursed be he who does that. This is a major challenge for action — a duty that could have been very effective in the Kahane aspirations for justice to the Jew and Israel. He could have left a more ad- mirable legacy if he had prepared the youth for action in demolishing the venomous dangers. Rabbi Kahane will be remembered as a courageous man who propagated much that is acceptable. While we rejected a great deal that he preached, he leaves us with the need for an appeal to all in leadership to teach the unknowing that we may be well fortified for vigilance. The battle for justice never ends. ❑ Samuel Levin Continued from Page 2 Prof. Levin introduced his economics studies as an im- portant commitment to uni- versity curricula in Israel. In his U-M post-graduate years, Prof. Levin became in- volved in the communal con- cerns about newcomers from Russia, Poland, Romania and Hungary. It led to his specializing, in addition to economics and immigration, as a visiting professor at Bar- Ilan University. Many of his published works and lectures in this and other communities, therefore, also were devoted to immigra- tion as well as economics. Prof. Levin lectured at the University of Michigan, at the national convention of the American Economic Associa- tion, and gave the 100th an- niversary lecture marking the birth of Justice Louis D. Brandeis. Prof. Levin's articles on education, labor, technology, population, and Jewish themes, have appeared in more than a dozen leading professional journals in this country and abroad. His name was chosen for the first 1942 edition of the Directory of American Scholars. Prof. Levin and his wife, the late Lillian Keidan, had four children. They are: Dr. Joseph H. of Weston, Mass., Mrs. Stanley Friedman, Dr. Herbert G. Levin and Mrs. Bernard J. Cantor. There are 15 grandchildren and 14 great-grandchildren. A great university honors one of the most distinguished in this community's scholastic history. Samuel M. Levin gave dignity to teaching and learning. We feel privileged in joining in honors to the scholar whose name glorified academia. ❑ volvements in communal movements began in his undergraduate years at the University of Michigan. He was among the earliest associates in the Inter- collegiate Menorah Associations. In Menorah's Michigan chapter, he encouraged Jewish studies and com- munal involvements. Many who were to become leaders in the Jewish community were associated with Prof. Levin in Menorah. Active in local social service agencies, Prof. Levin assum- ed the presidency of the Jew- ish National Fund Council of Detroit which led him to na- tional involvements in sup- port of the developing causes that support Israel. It was at Bar-Ilan Universi- ty in Ramat Gan, Israel, that 52 FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 23, 1990 Rejecting Double Standards hen prejudices are fully and properly judged, and in- humanities realistically tested, there will be the puzzl- ing and compelling questions: now, when all mankind is en- dangered by war threats, why do statesmen and the media submit to the subversion of concern from the Iraqi menace to the spreading of hatred against Israel? Why when there is so much at stake for the security and very lives of hundreds of thousands assembled to con- front war threats are mass murderers permitted to ad- vocate making it a world issue against Israel, with an undenied aim to destroy the Jewish state? W Every occurrence that spell- ed negation to Israel had become a source of attack on Israel. Diplomatic quarters, even in the most democratic governments echo the UN animosities. New heights of venom were reached in the El Aksa Mosque charges. The oc- currences there were more saddening to Israel. Israel's investigation provided for self-examination. The venom against Israel is so aggravating that every ex- pression of friendship and support is deeply appreciated. Therefore, the editorial com- ment by Mortimer Zucker- man in U.S. News and World Report. Mr. Zuckerman stated: The American media and the U.S. government jumped to conclusions that sacrificed truth for expe- diency .. . And what does the Bush administration do? It drafts a one-sided resolu- tion even more condemna- tory than that of the un- allied states, failing even to note the Palestinian role in starting the violence. Worse, the resolution refer- red to Jerusalem as "occu- pied territory;' raising for the Israelis the concern for their claims to Jerusalem, and cited the "legitimate rights of the Palestinians" — code language for an in- dependent Palestinian state. Then, for good measure, it criticized Israel's handling of the riot even before the findings of the U.N. mission could be reported. The truth is that Israel paid a penalty for the politics of the Gulf crisis. Even if independent in- quiry found Israel justified in acting as it did, the West would still have supported some sort of critical resolu- tion because its leaders were all upset that Israel played into Saddam Hus- sein's hands. Some U.S. of- ficials feel that it would have been better for Israel to have absorbed casual- ties at the Wailing Wall rather than to give Sad- dam Hussein the headlines he needs for a diversion from a focus on Kuwait. The double standard of this administration (and the U.N., for that matter) is transparent. The Bush ad- ministration appears will- ing to sacrifice as much of Israel's international credibility as necessary, with little thought for ethics, in return for a little more chewing gum and baling wire to hold to- gether the fragile coalition against Iraq. The State Department has succeeded the British Foreign Office in blaming Israel for anything and everything in this messy situation, diminishing the U.S.-Israel relationship and seeming less and less sym- pathetic to the legitimate security needs of the only true democracy in the region. These are revelations mix- ed with indictments. Hopeful- ly they will be read by all, not by Jews alone. In a profile about Mortimer Zuckerman, who is also the editor and publisher of Atlan- tic Monthly, a non-too friend- ly reference was made to his Jewishness. Let this serve as more pride that a fellow Jew is not silent and is always ready to demand justice for Israel. ❑ Islamic Fundamentalism R eporting from Aqaba Jordan (New York Times, Sept. 4) Joe Brinkley revealed the an- tagonisms bordering on hatred for Israel and Jewry with emphasis on the United States and the nationals associated with Americans against the Iraqi dictatorship. At a time when Arab an- tagonism is described as the threat of jihad — holy war — this paragraph from his report is especially descrip- tive of the accumulating hatreds: Ahamed Haayari, direc- tor of the Aqaba Customs Authority, raised no eyebrows among six other local leaders in the room this afternoon when he said: "This is the jihad, the holy war. I hope I will be given the honor of fighting Americans in the desert and be killed there. That would be my honor." For a number of years, when jihad was the collective Arab threat to Israel, there wasn't sufficient attention paid. Now, while the aim by Iraq is to drag in Israel, it becomes evident that it is a threat to all non-Moslems. The threat to Israel remains primary. The accumulating threats in the developing crisis de- mand serious consideration by all peoples. Important guidelines in such considera- tions are provided in one of the most illuminating essays by a recognized authority. Bernard Lewis, professor of Near Eastern studies at Princeton University writing under the the title "The Roots of Muslim Rape," makes the issues more understandable. This is where we begin to realize that there is a fun- damentalism to be seriously considered. It is when religion is link- ed with politics that a fun- damental venom begins to develop. Prof. Lewis' article provides basic information on Islamic principles, on religious morality, on the centuries of excellent relationships with many peoples. The developing fundamental hatreds become international concerns. the venom stemming from it in Egypt is one of the evidences. The religion-politics link, as it is implied in Prof. Lewis' article, compels a special American interest. It is on the question of separation of church and state. On this im- portant subject, Prof. Lewis commences with this historic reminder: In one of his letters Thomas Jefferson remark- ed that in matters of religion "the maxim of civil government" should be reversed and we should rather say, "Divided we stand, united, we fall?' In this remark Jefferson was setting forth with classic terseness an idea that has come to be regarded as essentially American: the separation of Church and State. This idea was not en- tirely new; it had some precedents in the writings of Spinoza, Locke, and the philosophers of the Euro- pean Enlightment. It was in the United States, however, that the principle was first given the force of law and gradually, in the course of two centuries, became a reality. If the idea that religion and politics should be separated is relatively new, dating back a mere three hundred years, the idea that they are distinct dates back almost to the beginni- ings of Christianity. Chris- tians are enjoined in their Scriptures to "render ... un- to Caesar the things which are Caesar's and unto God the things which are God's." This formulation of the problems posed by the relations between religion and politics, and the possi- ble solutions to those pro- blems, arise from Chris- tian, not universal, prin- ciples and experience. There are other religious traditions in which religion and politics are