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halachic reasons. But she
refused to resign, "leading
the way nationally to
several other such
breakthroughs."
When Ethiopian Jews
came to Israel in the mid-
1980s, the Chief Rabbinate
insisted that all males
undergo "symbolic conver-
sion to ensure their Jew-
ishness." They resisted, and
almost none have done so.
Despite a full year of Fri-
day night demonstrations
against Shabbat movies in
Jerusalem and Tel Aviv,
theaters have continued to
show films.
The haredim sought a
court order to force the
cinemas to close in accor-
dance with municipal
bylaws. A Jerusalem district
court judge nullified the
bylaws, saying they were
beyond the authority of the
municipalities to legislate.
Mr. Lehman-Wilzig also
noted that the "Who Is a
Jew" amendment to the Law
of Return has not been
adopted, as the ultra-
Orthodox have been deman-
ding for years.
Chances that it will be
"are as bleak as ever," he
said.
The number of Orthodox
Knesset members was 18 in
1959 and is still 18, Mr.
Lehman-Wilzig pointed out.
Despite the Orthodox es-
tablishment's monopoly on
marriages, "hundreds of
Israelis circumvent the
system" by such
"strategies" as civil-
marriage contracts and
weddings in Cyprus.
He observed that despite
"brutal" ultra-Orthodox
pressure, the Conservative
movement has established
more than 40 synagogues
and one primary school in
Israel.
The repeated "defeats" of
the haredim are especially
significant in view of the
impact of their "swing vote"
on Israel's political system.
The writer explained that
while Israeli society in gen-
eral is not "monolithically
anti-religious," it is
culturally "quite secular;
most Israelis just will not
tolerate too serious an ero-
sion of their basically
secular lifestyle."
Another factor, he
asserted, is that "the polit-
ical realm in Israel is no
longer the center of national
gravity."
Mr. Lehman-Wilzig con-
cluded that in the final
analysis, "what the ultra-
religious establishment is
fighting against is democ-
racy in the original sense of
the word: people's power."

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47