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Open: Tues., Wed., Sat. 10-5:30/Thurs., Fri. 10-9/Sunday 12-5 (Closed Mondays) Most major credit cards accepted. !AA FRInAV SFPTFMRFR 7 1990 ington, was to be neither seen nor heard. For all that, however, there is, from Israel's perspective, one important entry on the positive side of the ledger: the removal of the Palestinian issue from the top of the agenda at precisely the moment when it appeared to presage a se- rious rift between Washing- ton and Jerusalem. The respite is likely to be short-lived, for the Palestin- ian question will be propell- ed back to the top of that agenda just as soon as Wash- ington is able to catch its breath again. The harsh facts of life are that the end of the Cold War has almost entirely elim- inated Israel's strategic value to the United States. Indeed, United States stra- tegists may reach the con- clusion, sooner rather than later, that far from being a strategic asset, Israel has now actually become a lia- bility. Where once Washington looked to Israel as a bulwark against the expansion of Soviet influence in the re- gion, Moscow has now withdrawn from the game and Washington is finding that even the Soviet Union's most important former re- gional client, Syria, is now falling into line behind it. It may consider that Israel is an obstacle on the path to U.S.- Arab cooperation and that the Palestinian problem — a source of continuing re- gional tension — must be urgently resolved. It may also consider that Israel's refusal to come to terms with the Palestinians, via either the Palestine Liberation Organization or "authentic Palestinian leaders" in the occupied territories, must quickly be broken. George Bush is not Ronald Reagan and the 1990s are not the idyllic, permissive 80s. As a result of the radically changed cir- cumstances and per- sonalities that now prevail, Israel could well find itself the loser in the new geo- political reality. It is likely to find that the United States will demand a high political price in exchange for military technology which Israel is now urgently seeking. This includes sophisticated radar systems for detecting in- coming missiles and the Patriot ground- to-air bat- teries to combat the threat of those missiles (Israel's Arrow anti-missile missile is still in the developmental stage and is thought to be at least five years away from deployment). When the dust of the Gulf crisis has settled, Washing- ton is expected to pick up where it left off with Israel, but this time with a special sense of urgency and deter :- mination. It will draw on the prece- dent of its actions in the Gulf crisis, insisting that the rules that apply to Iraq app- ly equally to Israel; that just as it was inadmissible for Iraq to seize Kuwait by force, so too is it inadmissible for Israel to maintain its con- quest of the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and the Golan Heights. There is, moreover, no doubt that the application of this principle will be warmly endorsed not only by the Soviet Union and the Euro- pean. Community but by the United Nations as a whole. Given that Washington is Israel's principal source of military support, that the European Community is its largest single trading part- ner, that the Soviet Union operates the turnstiles which could deliver a million immigrants by the end of the decade and that the UN has demonstrated it is both will- ing and able to apply sanc- tions, Jerusalem appears to be on course for its own date with destiny. ❑